The recent decade has witnessed a drastic increase in the number and size of disasters, often resulting in devastation to the built environment. Out of the total 38 million displacements worldwide, a significant 23.7 million internal displacements were triggered by disasters in 2021 alone [
1]. Among the various measures adopted by disaster-affected countries to manage such displacement, one of the most widely discussed and practiced is resettlement. Resettlement can be defined as the planned, assisted, and permanent relocation of a displaced population. It is a very complex process that goes beyond the mere rehousing but rather an introduction of a new built environment for the displaced community [
2,
3]. The sustainability of the resettlement depends on creating enabling positive conditions for people to adapt to the new built environment [
3] by increasing their satisfaction. However, the sense of urgency to provide housing within a limited time and the collective desire of displaced households to settle back as quickly as possible [
2] often results in the ignorance of the long-term needs of the households [
3].
The post-disaster resettlement literature has also highlighted housing satisfaction as the most challenging component of resettlement [
4]. Further, Dikmen & Elias-Ozkan [
5] stressed the importance of satisfaction for a family affected by a disaster as they have only a few options. While the implementing agencies often assume the resettlement project to be successful, the resettlement in a new location is always an undesirable affair for displaced households [
4]. Despite the risk of facing disaster in the original location, the resettlers, in most cases, have left their new settlement and returned back to their previous places [
6,
7]. A host of studies [
4,
7,
8] has identified long-term residential satisfaction with permanent housing as a major reason in determining the choice to remain in a resettlement site or return back to the original area.
Nepal is one of the most disaster-prone countries in the world, with its ranking 11
th in terms of seismic risk, 30
th in terms of flood risks, and 4
th in climate change vulnerability [
9]. The Gorkha earthquake of magnitude 7.6 Richter scale that struck Nepal in 2015 resulted in massive human losses and physical damage across 32 hilly districts of Nepal. The National Reconstruction Authority [
10] identified housing as the hardest hit sector, requiring a need to reconstruct about 609,938 houses damaged by the earthquake [
11]. With the majority of attention on the in situ housing reconstruction, the resettlement was only given scant attention. The Gorkha earthquake triggered more than 20,000 landslides and displaced about 4079 families from 21 districts and 99 local governments of Nepal, requiring relocation to a safer place [
12]. The government of Nepal responded to this need to relocate the displaced households and provide planned infrastructure provision with the development of “Integrated Settlement” in Nepal. Despite the successful completion of the resettlement projects, only about 30% of households have permanently moved to the case study area “Panipokhari Integrated Settlement.” The mismatch between the housing provided and the actual needs of the affected household has burdened the public finances in Nepal. With the evidence on modification, rejection, and abandonment of permanent housing provided after the Gorkha earthquake, residential satisfaction is of paramount importance in the success of post-disaster resettlement projects. This issue has established the research question regarding residential satisfaction that will further guide the decision and choice for successful resettlement.
While the reconstruction of in-situ housing has been widely researched [
8], relatively lesser studies have been conducted in post-disaster resettlement. Despite the presence of a large collection of case studies in the international context [
4,
8,
13,
14], very limited study has been carried out to identify the factors influencing user satisfaction with converting a post-disaster permanent house into a home [
15]. In addition, researchers [
4,
14] have reported that evaluations of post-disaster permanent housing were absent in the literature related to user satisfaction. The satisfaction of the end user plays a major role in the success of resettlement, and thus this study was perceived from the standpoint of the resettled households [
3]. In fact, every post-disaster situation is unique, and thus, there is a need for continuous research to create a comprehensive body of knowledge [
16]. Mohit & Raja [
13] also highlighted the need for further studies on residential satisfaction in a culture-specific context to guide public policies. In the Nepalese context, a little discussion has been carried out on the factors influencing long-term user satisfaction with permanent housing. Considering the decisive role of user satisfaction in judging the success or failure of post-disaster resettlement [
8], the study aims to examine the factors influencing the residential satisfaction of the poor indigenous Thami community with permanent housing following the 2015 Gorkha earthquake. The findings from the study will have practical implications and thus provide insight to policymakers, implementers, and researchers facing difficulty in leading the resettlement.
1.1. Housing
Housing is usually the most valuable asset owned by an individual or a family [
17,
18] and has social and economic value. It is a process, and not the end, as people tend to constantly improve and adapt their dwellings to better accommodate their changing needs. Rather than just four walls and a roof, housing requires it to be a safe and secure place to live in with peace and dignity for physical comfort and mental well-being. The right to adequate housing was recognized in article 25 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and article 11.1 of the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights [
19]. According to United Nations [
19], the right to adequate housing has provisions such as protection against forced evictions, and right to choose one’s residence to determine where to live, and freedom of movement. Likewise, SDG 11.1 sets a target to ensure access for all to adequate, safe, and affordable housing and basic services by 2030 [
20]. For a house to be adequate, the required criteria include – (i) security of tenure; (ii) availability of services such as drinking water, adequate sanitation, energy for cooking, heating, lighting, food storage, or refuse disposal; (iii) affordability; (iv) habitability; (v) accessibility; (vi) location; and (vii) cultural adequacy (United Nations, 2009). In Nepal, the Constitution, followed by the Right to Housing Act (2018), also guarantees the right to appropriate housing to all citizens.
The hazard literature has established housing as the most affected sector [
18,
21] and also often the most challenging sector of the entire reconstruction program. Compared to conventional houses, post-disaster resettlement houses encompass considerable and unavoidable differences in the layout, house design, building materials, and construction processes [
22]. The Sphere standard [
23] provides minimum humanitarian standards, which include – the provision of living space that accommodates the diverse needs of members of the household for sleeping, respecting local culture and lifestyles; provision of optimal lighting conditions, ventilation, and thermal comfort; inclusion of appropriate cooking, toilets, laundry, bathing, livelihoods activities, socializing and play areas; and promotion of the use of shelter solutions, construction techniques and materials that are culturally and socially acceptable and environmentally sustainable. The standard also recommends 4.5–5.5 square meters of living space per person in cold climates where internal cooking space and bathing or sanitation facilities are included.
1.3. Factors Influencing Residential Satisfaction in Post-Disaster Resettlement
Housing has been recognized as a decisive factor for the long-term satisfaction of affected households in post-disaster resettlement [
4,
14,
15,
26,
27]. Rather than only meeting the basic accommodation need, permanent housing requires providing the psychologically, socially, and economically disturbed displaced households with various expectations from the built environment where they will leave their lives for a long time [
14]. Previous empirical studies on post-disaster resettlement have identified several factors pertaining to post-disaster housing influencing the satisfaction of the resettled households.
Housing design is one of the major determinants influencing residential satisfaction in the post-disaster resettlement context [
14,
15,
27,
28,
29,
30]. As a result of dissatisfaction due to the inappropriate housing design, a host of researchers [
3,
31] pointed it to be a major reason for the failure of the resettlement projects. The post-disaster resettlement literature mostly cites typical monotype design, which fails to consider the need and lifestyle of the household as an important factor influencing residential satisfaction. The monotonous uniform design was preferred mainly to reduce the cost of building a large number of houses [
26], ease of construction, and imposition of urban middle-class values on rural populations [
32]. Traditional houses have evolved over time as functional to the needs of the household unit [
32]. However, [
26] argued that the uniform post-disaster housing design resulted in the ignorance of the individual need and lifestyle, such as plot size, the distance between houses, arrangement of houses, important spaces required for rural households such as space for expansion, and modification; space for additional structures such as animal sheds, storage area of farm products and traditional bread baking areas. Baniya [
33], in his study of Nepal, also revealed that the strict technical restrictions on the design and choice of construction materials affected the resettlement projects. Likewise, Aysan & Oliver [
34] also highlighted that the four-roomed single-story prefabricated houses built after the 1970 Gediz earthquake were incompatible with the lifestyles of displaced households having extended families and depending on agriculture and animal husbandry for livelihood. In a similar way, other studies [
35,
36] considered the failure of the layout to provide sufficient space around dwellings for tool sheds, animal pens, and other agricultural needs as a reason for the abandonment of resettlement sites. Also, Coburn et al. [
35] added that the housing design lack spaces for domestic activities, which require different space for different uses as per the seasons. He [
37], in his study of the post-disaster resettled communities after the Gorkha earthquake, highlighted that the resettled communities preferred the availability of farmland and house-building training for their sustainable recovery. Likewise, Rieger [
38], in a study carried out in Nepal, also highlighted that rather than only houses, the displaced households demanded farmland to continue their traditional livelihood. Also, he revealed that the households were under psychological stress due to the heavy loan for the construction of the small house that could only fit in their small plot of land. In a similar vein, Spoon et al. [
39] revealed that agricultural land was the main issue for households reliant on place-based agropastoralism.
While Danquah et al. [
28], in their study in Ghana, revealed that the residents were unsatisfied with the size of the land and the number and size of the rooms, in Turkey [
40] found that users were highly satisfied with the size of the rooms but were unsatisfied with the storage facilities on the ground floor and sound insulation. Tas et al. [
14] identified that residential satisfaction is also determined by the aesthetics of the housing. Another frequent complain is the loss of privacy attributed to the new layout. One of the problems identified by Ozden [
30] is the inadequate design of the number of chimneys for wood and coal-burning stoves in houses designed for the gas heating system. The sustainability of the resettlement project is greatly constrained by the house designs that failed to recognize occupants’ needs and desire to transform and extend them [
41]. Kurum Varolgunes [
26] explains that if the houses were not designed flexibly, reducing the opportunity to make changes can result in dissatisfaction in the household and abandonment. With the gap in the housing provided and the actual need of the community, the empirical case studies have described the cases in which post-disaster houses were modified following the earthquake. For example, Carrasco et al. [
42] explained that lofts were constructed in the village to respond to the need for additional sleeping space for larger family sizes and the extension of buildings inside and outside the lot to provide space for cooking and laundry. Dikmen & Elias-Ozkan [
5] argued that the consultation of the families forced to take on the burden of a loan for housing construction before the housing design could increase satisfaction with their spatial needs.
Previous studies highlight building construction quality as one of the factors affecting long-term satisfaction [
8,
30]. Several empirical studies have reported cases where the resettled households have rejected or moved out from the provided housing for several reasons, such as poor quality work, use of technology, and design that were unsuitable for local weather and cultural sensitivities [
8]. Oo et al. [
8] emphasized that users abandoned the provided housing due to poor quality work. Likewise, Ozden [
30] identified water installation systems, low-quality building materials, windows, doors, paintings, water leakage, and humidity as the major construction problems of post-disaster housing. Sey & Tapan [
7] in their study found that the houses remained empty since they were completed on time. Likewise, researchers [
35,
36] have also highlighted that the faulty construction and use of inferior materials also create difficult living conditions, particularly regarding thermal protection in different seasons. Kurum Varolgunes [
26] pointed out that the local materials ensured fast and economical procurement of materials and laborers.
Researchers have also identified building performance as an important determinant influencing residential satisfaction. Dikmen & Elias-ozkan [
43] in his paper emphasized that the preference for concrete as a building material for the post-1970 Gediz earthquake resulted in houses that were considered cold and damp by the users. In the study carried out in the aftermath of the 1995 Dinar earthquake, Enginoz [
44] revealed that the households complained that the brick masonry houses were cold in winter and hot in summer, unlike the old mud brick house. Kurum Varolgunes [
26] recommended the design of the sustainable housing samples by considering the culture, climate, topography, etc., and the consideration of the climatic data in the layout plans of post-disaster housing.
The socio-cultural context is also an important yet ignored determinant of residential satisfaction. The housing design is influenced by social and cultural issues [
40]. Kronenberger [
36] states that the resettled village lacks the culturally important ritual spaces required by people in their environments. The village design that does not consider the clustering of kin and old neighborhood groups is also considered a potential reason for failure [
35]. Perera et al. [
31] explained that the rate of satisfaction is higher for the households participating in the design and arranging of the layout of the houses, owing to the fact that the house is more a sociocultural estate than just a dwelling in Sri Lanka. According to Onder et al. [
40], the satisfaction of the users depends on a number of variables such as ‘the meaning they place on their housing, their view of it, its design, their background, lifestyles, and expectations.’ Houses constructed without considering the different psycho-social conditions of the permanent house users will remain uninhabited for many years [
40].
The previous housing experience is also one of the major factors influencing satisfaction. Kurum Varolgunes [
26] revealed that the physical, economic, social, cultural, and psychological features of the existing settlement were not considered in a holistic manner while designing permanent housing settlements and structures after the earthquake. The previous studies also highlighted that the resettlement projects fail due to housing that does not respond to the needs of relocatees, such as loss of livelihood and disruption of daily routine [
18]. Wagner [
45] explained that as the households start to compare their old and new environments and changes in daily life habits due to the layout of the new house and the location of the settlement, they may arrive at a conclusion to abandon their rebuilt dwelling.