1. Introduction
Climate change is described as a global phenomenon resulting from an increasing population, unsustainable consumption, and ecological changes such as deforestation [
1]. Increasing literature over the past two decades has highlighted how human activity has significantly altered global climate systems, with impacts such as rising ocean and surface temperatures and increasing greenhouse gases [
2,
3]. The World Health Organization in 2020 reported that climate change and the loss of biodiversity are increasingly affecting people's mental and physical health and well-being around the world. For example, higher sea levels result in floods causing injury and fatalities with certain social groups, such as those in developing countries being more vulnerable to the effects of climate change [
2,
4]. The effects of climate change are often portrayed in the media as being catastrophic in nature [
5], with newspapers utilising visual information to provoke an emotional response from the viewer [
6].
Despite increasing awareness and concern around such topics, people’s actions are inconsistent with their thoughts [
7]. It is noted that emotional experiences such as anxiety, worry and fear are a result of the changing climate and affect thoughts, attitudes, and behaviours [
4,
8]. These negative emotional experiences can be more prevalent in those who value the natural world, and younger people due to the future projection of climate impacts [
2,
9,
10].
In moderation, worry and anxiety are said to assist with adaptative responses to climate change such as climate action [
8,
11]. Climate anxiety is defined as ‘anxiety which is significantly related to anthropogenic climate change’ [
12] [p. 3)]. However, the link between climate anxiety/worry and behaviour is unclear. For example, climate anxiety may inhibit people from taking effective action due to ‘eco paralysis’, which is a state of apathy characterised by excessive anxiety and helplessness or hopelessness [
13,
14]. In contrast, other research by Reser et al (2012) showed that climate change distress was a strong predictor for behavioural engagement [
15,
16]. The intention to act pro-environmentally is said to determine pro-environmental behaviour, but environmental knowledge and awareness are key components [
17,
18]. Earlier studies have contested that knowledge of climate change does not necessarily foster pro-environmental behaviour [
19]. Lawrence et al (2021) highlight the current gap in research around the links between climate change and mental health, and the connections between climate change and mental well-being are at an early stage of development [
20].
Data gathered from 32 different countries showed that climate anxiety has been positively linked to pro-environmental behaviours but negatively linked to mental health [
21]. The findings showed that both direct and indirect experiences and exposure increased negative emotional responses, and impact-related information and the amount of attention paid to it predicted climate anxiety, not the volume of content. Furthermore, solution-related information was not significantly related to climate anxiety. In a sample of 312 Italian university students aged 18-26 years who reported multiple exposures to climate change-related content, attention was also found to be positively related to climate anxiety as well as individual and collective self-efficacy [
11]. Self-efficacy is described as a person’s perceived confidence in their abilities to perform a behaviour, and perceived usefulness of that behaviour [
22]. The findings from Maran and Begotti (2021) found that when attention paid to climate change increases, so do efficacy beliefs which may have been impacted by the content. Furthermore, Brulle et al (2012) found that media coverage directly affects public levels of concern over climate change, with greater coverage equating to greater concern [
23].
Like Ogunbode et al (2022), several studies have reported how emotional responses to climate change can be caused by indirect as well as direct exposure, such as through media exposure [
8,
16,
24]. Zacher and Rudolph (2023) found through a longitudinal study with German adults, that personality traits, conscientiousness and emotional stability were negative predictors of climate anxiety. The findings showed that the greater the knowledge of environmental issues the lower the climate anxiety. Women were also found to experience less climate anxiety compared to men [
25]. Tilikidou (2007) did not find a strong correlation between environmental knowledge and pro-environmental purchasing behaviour among a sample of Greek consumers but did however acknowledge that lack of knowledge is a barrier to purchasing change [
26].
Searle and Gow (2010) found females under the age of 35 who have pro-environmental beliefs and specific personality traits, such as higher levels of future anxiety are more prone to experience climate change-related distress [
27]. Casalo et al., (2019) also found women exhibited higher levels of pro-environmental behaviours [
28]. McBride et al (2021) examined longitudinal relations between climate change concern and psychological well-being in New Zealand adults and found that although younger people showed slightly higher levels of climate change concern, there was no evidence that young people are more negatively affected by climate change [
29].
The Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) [
30] and the Norm Activation Model (NAM) [
31] are theoretical models that aim to explain intentional or planned behaviour. Nigbur et al., (2010) suggest that intention is in fact the closest predictor of behaviour, which the TPB also postulates [
32,
33]. The NAM was developed to explain pro-social behaviour. Schwartz (1977) proposed that activated personal normative influences or ‘personal norms lead to altruistic or pro-social behaviours. Personal norms are defined as an individual’s sense of obligation or an individual’s beliefs of what is right or wrong [
34,
35]. Studies have shown that the main determinants of the TPB such as attitudes and subjective norms were successful in predicting the intention to perform pro-environmental behaviours [
36,
37], however, self-identity was a key variable that determined behavioural intentions [
33,
38]. Self-identity is defined as how an individual sees themselves and includes values, personal goals, and personality traits [
39]. Although the NAM has been successfully applied to pro-environmental behaviours such as littering behaviour and organic vegetable consumerism [
35,
40], it was less successful in behaviours deemed as ‘high cost’ such as reduction in car use [
41,
42].
Study Aim
To address these links between climate change information exposure, affect, pro-environmental behavioural intentions and behaviour, the current study was designed to investigate the effects that climate change video exposure had on affect and pro-environmental behavioural intentions. More specifically, the effects of increased knowledge and awareness of climate change on affect and behaviour. Affect and pro-environmental behavioural intentions were measured through self-reported questionnaires pre and post video exposure to a video on either climate change or non-climate change related information.
Independent variables (IV) were:
Dependent variables (DV) were:
It was hypothesised that (a) IV1 (video content) would significantly effect both DV1 (positive and negative affect) and DV2 (pro-environmental behavioural intentions) in the climate change group. (b) IV2 (time, pre and post exposure) would significantly effect DV1 and DV2 in the climate change group. (c) IV1 and IV2 combined would cause a significant interaction effect between DV1 and DV2 where the climate change video group would have a significantly higher negative affect and pro-environmental behaviour intention scores post-exposure compared to the non-climate change exposure group. Furthermore, there would also be a significantly lower positive affect score when compared to the control condition.
4. Discussion
The aims of the present study were to investigate the effects of climate change content exposure on affect, and pro-environmental behavioural intentions, specifically, whether increased awareness and knowledge influenced affect and behavioural intentions.
The main findings of the study suggest that climate change video content exposure and awareness do influence affect and pro-environmental behavioural intentions. The findings showed that there was a significant main effect of time on negative affect and pro-environmental behavioural intentions before and after participants were exposed to climate change information, therefore time before and after content exposure influenced both the negative affect and intention scores. More interestingly, there was a significant interaction effect between the condition and time on both pro-environmental behavioural intentions and negative affect scores. Specifically, participants in the climate change group showed a significant difference in scores post-video exposure compared to the non-climate change video group. This was a key finding as it suggests that climate change video exposure negatively influences affect but also potentially influences pro-environmental behavioural intentions. The significant results were mostly small or very small in effect size, therefore they do not explain the full variation and other factors such as gender and age need further study to establish causes of variation.
Consistent with research by Brulle et al., (2012), Clayton, (2020), Ogunbode et al (2022) and Stewart, (2021), the current study supports previous research on the effects of indirect climate change media exposure on negative emotional responses to climate change [
8,
16,
21,
23]. The current study exposed participants to a brief 8.4-minute video of climate change discussing the impacts and possible solutions that an individual can take to lessen the effects. The results of this video exposure showed increased negative affect post-exposure. The volume of content and its effect on the negative emotional responses requires more investigation. Previous research found that attention paid to the content rather than volume relates significantly to negative emotional responses. The current study did not collate frequencies of exposure, so it was unknown how much exposure the participants had prior to partaking in the study, however, it could be argued that the brief exposure in this study had an impact. It is difficult though to determine whether the current findings resulted in a combined effect of previous and current exposure.
Attention to content is emphasised by existing research around climate anxiety, and to a certain extent, the current study also verifies attention as a predictor of climate anxiety as per Ogunbode et al (2022) and Maran and Bergotti (2021). The findings could also lend some support to stimulated self-efficacy and eco-paralysis [
11]. For example, the current study showed higher negative affect scores but also higher intentions to engage, which could support that increased attention also increases self-efficacy [
48]. This may also indicate that the climate change content used in the study was appropriate for enhancing self-efficacy and in turn the motivation of pro-environmental behaviours [
14].
The type of content that is linked to negative emotional responses remains somewhat unclear in the literature. Previous research on the type of content found impact-related information along with the amount of attention paid to it a predictor of climate anxiety [
21], whereas solution-based information was not significantly related. Furthermore, other studies do not specify the type of content participants were exposed to [
11]. The current findings partially contribute to previous findings as the video content contained both impact-related and solution-based content. However, it is uncertain how the impact and solution-based information as independent factors influenced the negative affect and intention scores.
One explanation of the current findings could be that young people, particularly females are more affected by a changing climate [
2,
9,
10,
27,
29]. Furthermore, females are more likely to exhibit greater levels of pro-environmental behaviour [
28,
36]. The population sampled consisted of mainly adults under 35 with a mean age of 33, and it had previously been found that younger people, particularly young females showed higher levels of climate change anxiety and climate-related concern [
27,
29]. Similarly, with gender, the current sample consisted of 71% of females so it could be said that this influenced the intended behaviour scores post-exposure. Hence it was difficult to decipher how much influence age and gender had on these findings. Furthermore, the study did not officially measure climate anxiety but positive and negative affect therefore the different scales may have yielded different results [
49].
In relation to knowledge and awareness of climate-related issues on mental health and behaviour, previous literature described the inconsistencies around climate concerns, awareness, and action [
7]. The current study attempted to provide knowledge and awareness of climate change effects, which showed an increase in intentions to behave pro-environmentally. In contrast to Zacher and Rudolph (2023), the current findings of higher negative affect and pro-environmental behavioural intentions suggest that greater environmental knowledge increases negative emotional responses instead of decreases. It could be argued however that Zacher and Rudolph’s (2023) study was longitudinal and utilised environmental test score data, which the current study did not. The increase in environmental awareness appears to be an appropriate predictor of pro-environmental behaviours through the increase in pro-environmental intention scores [
50], and support for significant links between problem awareness and intentions to engage in pro-environmental behaviours, in turn predicting the likelihood of pro-environmental behaviour [
28,
35,
36]. The relationship between intention and behaviour is complex, and much of the past research on behaviours and intentions found that whether a behaviour is carried out is due to an individual’s perceptions of themselves and others, which is subjective. These include a person’s individual sense of moral obligation [
40], or self-identity [
33,
38,
41]. This makes it particularly difficult to pinpoint the cause and effect of behaviour.
It is acknowledged that behaviour was not measured in the current study, however, a 6–12-month follow-up study should be conducted utilising the RPEBS [
46] and the subjective variables further explored. This would assess the validity and reliability of the new PEBI by establishing if the intended behaviours were carried out and establish whether the intentions to behave remain over an extended period.
There are several limitations to the study, firstly, the validity and reliability of the adapted PEBI scale require assessment. Moreover, self-report measures are susceptible of response biases [
51]. The study consisted of a predominantly white British, female sample, therefore more investigation is needed into the experiences of non-white samples, other genders and those from developing countries and different cultures [
52,
53]. The use of opportunity sampling may have limited the generalisability of the findings in the study, hence the sample representation may not be representative of the general population [
43]. Due to the study being solely online, the environment where the study was conducted was not controlled [
54]. Hence, distractions when watching the video content were not accounted for. Intervention contamination was not examined. In addition, the limited time frame for climate change exposure made it difficult to assess how much effect 8-9 minutes of video exposure had on participants. Furthermore, a measure relating to existing knowledge of environmental issues as implemented by Zacher and Rudolph (2023), would have been useful in drawing conclusions about its relation to emotions and pro-environmental behaviour. Much of the literature focused on climate anxiety, therefore in retrospect, it would have been useful to have measured climate anxiety specifically as a separate variable, perhaps in addition to the PANAS [
44]. The strength of the study was that the study was somewhat able to contribute to the links and gaps between mental health and climate change highlighted by Lawrance et al., (2021) and Romeu (2021), by showing the effects of climate change information on negative affect [
55]. The intervention was relatively simple, and due to it being solely online, could be completed anywhere in the world with internet access and language provisions. Furthermore, it helps inform digital health tool research, which currently has a big emphasis in the mental health and education field [
53].
In addition to the follow-up study, future research should investigate the type of content that influences negative emotional responses and behaviours; this could provide a clearer explanation of self-efficacy and how content relates to both maladaptive and adaptive forms of climate anxiety. In relation to knowledge and awareness, as recently suggested by Innocenti et al (2023) and Casalo et al (2019), it may be wise to create education programmes to enhance public knowledge about environmental issues as it may foster pro-environmental behaviours [
56]. Furthermore, sample data from developing countries and different cultural groups is needed to maximize the global impact.