5.1. Concentric and Diametric Spaces as Malleable Sustaining Conditions in Systems
Relegation of space to the metaphorical removes its referential claims to real work impacts in causal system trajectories [
3]. An acceleration of focus on spatial understandings builds on Rutter’s key point regarding neglect of silent contingent conditions in developmental psychology. Rutter [
56] argues that change to background supporting conditions has been frequently overlooked within developmental psychology:
It is commonly but wrongly assumed that a significant main effect in a multivariate analysis means that that variable has an effect on its own. It does not. What it means is that there is a significant main effect for that variable, after other variables have been taken into account: that is not tantamount to an effect in the absence of all other variables.
Space is such a silent background contingent condition. Rutter basically challenges the assumption in developmental psychology that causes take place in a vacuum. A similar concern has been raised with ‘an “analysis of variance mentality”’ in psychology ‘in which it is believed that variables contributing to outcomes make independent contributions to such outcomes’ [
57]. This ignores key system background factors. Rutter’s position here on the tendency to ignore necessary background or even simply supportive conditions for the cause to ‘work’ is resonant with Mill’s [
58] challenge to a diametric split between causal and non-causal states:
It is seldom if ever between a consequent and a single antecedent that this invariable sequence subsists. It is usually between a consequent and the sum of several antecedents the concurrence of all of them being requisite to produce, that is, to be certain of being followed by the consequent.
Mill noted that very often one antecedent is termed the cause, with the other antecedents being conditions. Intervention models that ‘work’ causally have hidden contingent conditions, without which the more obvious causal elements could not have occurred, just as striking a billiard ball to hit another presupposes the condition of gravitation. Causes necessarily operate within a background of supporting conditions that are structured sources of the cause’s efficacy.
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems focus is one that requires interpretation in terms of its recognition of such nested systems as background
conditions. Bronfenbrenner and Evans [
59] seek ‘to improve our understanding of the conditions and processes that shape human development’. This offers some role for supporting conditions for causal trajectories. It is unclear if conditions are to be contrasted with processes here, as processes may be supporting conditions for causal trajectories. The search for background supporting conditions is not omitted from later Bronfenbrenner, but it is given less emphasis than the foregrounded, mechanistic-sounding ‘engines of development’ [
59] of proximal processes. That proximal processes rely on background supporting conditions is left underdeveloped in Bronfenbrenner’s work.
5.2. Distinguishing Concentric and Diametric Spaces as Structures Versus Functions
Alnaim & Noaime’s [
26] focus is more on cultural norms of space. A further level of analysis of space can understand these concentric and diametric spatial contrasts in cross-cultural terms as fundamental projections of experience. Alnaim & Noaime’s concentric structured model of micro-meso and macro levels of Single Hella Level (sub-collective community), Neighbourhood level (Collective Community) and the Built Environment (Social Structure) is interpreted as a ‘spatial hierarchy’ [
26]. Whereas Alnaim & Noaime 2024 interpret concentric spatial organisation as being a ‘spatial hierarchy’, a framework that encompasses the mirror image inverted symmetrical dimension of Lévi-Strauss’ diametric space of above/below would recognise that diametric space is a much sharper hierarchy than that of concentric spatial relations. Concentric space offers a relation of distinction and difference as part of a wider assumed connection; this distinction is not a monistic fusion that does not differentiate between the concentric poles [
12]. Alnaim & Noaime’s [
26] approach aptly highlights these differences including power decision making ambits within the concentric spatial arrangement in this specific cultural context.
This invites further interrogation of a distinction between structure and function in relation to concentric and diametric structures that Lévi-Strauss recognised in only rudimentary terms. Caton [
60] aptly suggests that Lévi-Strauss never clarified the difference between questions of reference and questions of function. Issues of reference are largely external to a structuralist framework [
61]. A related point here is the need to distinguish more static positional empirical accounts of concentric and diametric structures from these spaces as dynamic processes, from the dynamic functional contrasts between these spaces. In other words, a physical manifestation of concentric space as a structure may not serve a concentric spatial function of assumed connection and relative openness. Thus, it needs to be acknowledged that a concentric physical structure can serve a diametric spatial function of exclusion as a fortress of assumed separation from background, such as Alnaim & Noaime’s recognition that ‘…if Najdi towns were established within walls for security purposes’ [
26].
Likewise in a psychological account of concentric structure, emotional distance has been construed in terms of eight concentric circles across a large number of countries [
62]. This emotional distance questioning rates relationships from very far to very close, including family members, relatives and various social role categories. While this at least interprets emotions cross-culturally in spatial terms, the conception of concentric space in Georgas et al. [
62] is one of assumed separation between the circles rather than their common mutual overlap through a common centre. This understanding of concentric structures does not encompass the geometric co-centre hallmark of concentric space.
The current examination of geometrical properties of space in relative terms of differences between concentric and diametric spaces does not deny that historical empirical examples of concentric structures have interpreted such space in hierarchical terms. Other examples of how meanings are associated with empirical features of concentric structures treated in isolation that are to be contrasted with a more fundamental questioning of concentric space in relation to diametric space, include the attribution of an outer concentric ring to Moslem religion in Dante’s Divine Comedy. This is aptly criticized by Said:
‘“Maometto” – Mohammed – turns up in canto 28 of the Inferno. He is located in the eighth of the nine circles of Hell … Mohammed thus belongs to a rigid hierarchy of evils, in the category of what Dante calls seminator di scandalo e di scisma’ [
47]
Dante’s Inferno, with nine circles of hell bringing increasingly serious sins, is a hierarchical imposition onto concentric structures of relation. This is not only Dante’s space as different levels but also a feudal conception of social structure in hierarchical terms. Concentric structures can be interpreted diametrically as split levels between each of the circles, rather than treating them as mutually overlapping a common space through a shared centre. Strictly, i.e., geometrically, concentric space is co-centric; in other words, the concentric circles share a mutually overlapping, embedded space through a common centre.
This association of outer layers of concentric structured space with a loss of power due to distance from the centre is one given some support by Lévi-Strauss [
29] where he draws this conclusion from empirical observation of given concentric societal spatial arrangements, ‘the opposition is, with regard to social and/or religious prestige, necessarily unequal’. He provides the following rationale for his conclusion, ‘In the case of concentric structures, the inequality may be taken for granted, since the two elements are, so to speak, arranged with respect to the same point of reference – the center – to which one of the circles is closer than the other’ [
29]. In a jurisprudential context, analysing legal conventions founding law, Marmor [
63] draws on a similar association, ‘the image I suggest is a division of labour taking place in concentric circles: the closer one is to the centre, the greater effect one has on what the convention is – and vice versa’. These interpretations of particular examples of concentric structures are a) not a necessary entailment of concentric space relative to diametric space. They also b) thwart the connectivity in a concentric relation, as they treat the inner concentric circle as exclusionary of what is in the outer concentric layers – rather than the outer circle as also occupying the space of the inner circle.
Spatial structure and function may not be empirically synchronized. Diametric structure may or may not fulfil a diametric spatial function, concentric structure may or may not fulfil a concentric spatial function. In the examples of concentric structures as defensive walls and fortress, it is the structural feature rather than the spatial feature of the concentric relation than is being foregrounded. The spatial feature is connective around a common centre, even if the structures can serve a diametric spatial function of exclusion.
It is important to distinguish geometrical features of the contrasts between concentric and diametric spaces from simply historical empirical examples where one space is treated in isolation rather than in relative terms of interactive contrasts with the other space. Thus, the recent association of concentric structures of space with a ‘mismatch’ of ‘accessibility’ [
27], as exclusion and lack of access to health services is not one that treats concentric space in terms of function or its functional interaction with diametric space. For Zhao, Shao, Li & Shen ‘The results showed a concentric pattern ranging from reasonable allocation at the city center to lagging allocation, advanced allocation and then reasonable allocation from the city center towards the outer areas’ [
27]. This is not to deny a key point of Zhao, Shao, Li & Shen that ‘spatial justice’ [
27] is an important lens in understanding access to vital health services.
Fundamental geometrical contrasts in function between concentric and diametric spaces as a directional relation of difference, are not simply manifested in positional terms as everyday objects. Thus, Bachelard’s [
39] example of a concentric object, a snail’s shell, or even shell-symbolism is not a basis for inferences about relative differences between concentric and diametric spatial relations. It is not the surface feature of objects or entities that is the basis for fundamental spatial inferences but rather the relational differences encountered between concentric and diametric spaces – structures
of relation
in relation.
The structuralist tenet that meaning does not reside in a single term but that it resides in contrasts needs to be applied to treat concentric and diametric space not as isolated terms but as dynamic terms of contrast, in mutual interactive tension in any given system.
The inner concentric pole is treated here by Dante, Lévi-Strauss and Marmor, as more like a fortress abstracted and excised from a common space than as a common space embedded in assumed connection for each of its surrounding layers. It displaces the geometric feature of a concentric space of assumed connection into a hierarchy. These examples offer a cautionary note regarding
structural positional inferences based on concentric space for culturally meaningful associations that may overlook the key fundamental directional
functional roles of concentric and diametric spaces in relation. Lévi-Strauss’ key insight here is that these spaces are in ‘
functional relation’ [
38] (italics added) of directional tension and not simply structural positional relation. Lévi-Strauss understated the dynamic role of concentric and diametric spaces as system movements. In doing so, he did not fully clarify the positional/directional dimensions to these spaces, the empirical/geometric tensions and the structure/function differences in levels of description and explanation in any given system and cultural context. This is not to oppose the empirical to the geometric but rather to interrogate these levels in terms of a combination of both positional structure and directional function.
5.4. A Concentric Spatial Turn as Broader Than Structuralism through Incorporating Phenomenology and Causal Reference in Systems
The epistemological commitments underlying Lévi-Strauss’ crosscultural observations of concentric and diametric structures require modification for developing sustainable spatial systems for human interaction with the natural world . Lévi-Strauss’ reliance on an analogy between the structure of myths and that of structural linguistics has been strongly questioned[
60]. While his epistemology is drawn from linguistics, this does not require that the cross-cultural observations of concentric and diametric structures, and their relative differences, be confined to examination only from a paradigm drawn from linguistics. Arguably, it was the very cage of this paradigm that prevented Lévi-Strauss from expanding upon the proposed phenomenological and referential relevance of these structures. This is not to detract from Lévi-Strauss’ key structuralist insight that the meanings of these concentric and diametric spaces are not in these treated as single terms but in their interactive relation and tension of differences. It bears reiteration that oncentric and diametric spaces are structures of difference, and structures
of relation
in mutual relation [
3,
12].
Different levels of description of relevance for interrogation of diametric and concentric spaces includes those of language through spatial metaphors and in thought as direct conceptualisations of space, including but by no means being exclusive to space as place. Indirectly spatial concepts such as closure, proximity, distance, hierarchy, belonging, as well as a recurrent affinity with a structuralist uncovering of polarities (between for example, weak/strong, domination/obedience, stability/instability, continuity/discontinuity, presence/absence) are further sites of relevance. A further spatial level of interrogation examines the frame, namely, framing conditions for representations, background horizons of understanding as an assumption structure for thought.
The standard criticisms of Lévi-Strauss’ structuralist anthropology, such as in cultural anthropology’s emphasis on individuals’ meanings and experiences [
64], can be understood as different levels of description, while highlighting the flexibility of concentric and diametric spaces to bridge these different levels. Concentric and diametric spatial systems can be understood as being both a domain of relevance for empirical examination and as a methodology, a process of interpretation [
3]. These spatial frameworks of questioning can apply at different levels of description, from language, physical places, perceptions, cognitions and emotions, to a further background assumption structure level of spatial frames, social imaginaries, projections and horizons of understanding.