1. Introduction
During the internship in the Netherlands at the municipality of Utrecht, the author had the opportunity to experience the mature approach (that means: multidimensional, forward-thinking, participatory, and sustainable) taken in spatial planning there. In conversations with the authorities of one of Utrecht's suburban municipalities, Bunnik, the author had the same impression. In recent years, open public spaces (further: POS) in suburbs have become an important field of study for the author. In the course of her studies, she posed a question: what forms of POS in suburbs can be developed under mature spatial planning? Separation of top-down design and planning undertaken by government institutions, local governments or developers responsible for the housing estates development from those bottom-up undertaken by residents, resulted from several reasons. Top-down and bottom-up POS development differ not only in terms of legal basis and type of financing, but also in terms of path for initiating these activities. A typological exploration of POS suburbs (as in the case study of the Bunnik municipality) in terms of top-down POS development under mature spatial planning will offer a closer look at the framework for building the quality of suburban POS in this way.
As a result, this study was designed. It focused on gathering and recreational places located in the public spaces of the chosen suburban municipality in Netherlands
1. The character of these places was identified by conducting their typological classification as a well-proven cognitive tool (Nochian et al., 2015).
Many authors use the typological categorization process to explore the phenomenon of POS. These studies differ in the type of perspective from which the proposed division is presented:
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morphological form of POS related to its urban function
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ownership and control over POS
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social environment
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natural environment
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multi-faceted categorization.
The first approach takes into account the morphological form of POS related to its urban function. The authors focus here on creating spatial-functional units of sites and places included in POS (Gehl & Gemzøe, 2001). To narrow the scope, the specific function, e.g. recreational, is also taken into account in this approach, often combined with the availability (Classification Framework for Public Open Space. Healthier, Happier and Safer Communities., 2012; Gehl, 2011) In a broader sense, the authors propose a typology of POS in a case of its urban functions in the city system (Jałowiecki, 2010). Looking at the physical and structural side of POS, the authors categorize it also in terms of relationship between “green” and “gray” urban space (Al-hagla & Al-hagla, 2008; Stanley et al., 2012)
Many authors expand the issue of POS accessibility and relate it to the type of oversight over the area, and thus exercising control over it. This generates further types of typologies. POS is classified in terms of the ownership rank of the area on which it is located (government/urban/ community space) (Gulick, 1997). Other divisions result from the social nature of POS. They take into account the type of public access to space, dividing it into public, semi-public and private (Gachowski, 2008; Mantey & Kępkowicz, 2018; Parysek, 2011; Van Melik et al., 2007) In expanding the idea of control, the authors also draw attention to forms of social self-regulation (Van Melik et al., 2007) and further on, to accepting/not accepting social values or certain groups of users and creating boundaries and barriers for them (Malone, 2002). Finally, the authors point to tactics implemented depending on the degree of refusal, (Flusty, 2021) and even denying the right to participate, up to the point of creating a “geography of exclusion” (Sibley, 1995).
Another authors take on the topic POS exploration through a typological classification process includes social environment. Here, they include, among others:, social involvement in managing and modeling public space (Dines et al., 2006). When analyzing POS as a reflection of this issue, the authors divide sites into domains of different social sectors or interest groups (Carmona, 2010). On the other hand, the authors also consider the impact of space on social activities and interactions (Cattell et al., 2008; Gehl, 2011) Other divisions take into account the social utility of different sites (Alexander et al., 1977; Kępkowicz, 2019), even categorization of public spaces of homelessness (Parker, 2021). The social dimension of space is also recognized through cultural-semiotic perspective, taking into account the forms of spatial order and social status perceived by POS users (Majer, 2010).
Many publications categorize public space in terms of nature. The authors analyze the character of POS in terms of the physical morphology of the area and plant cover, both natural and arranged (Nochian et al., 2015). Taking into account the latter aspect – the developed green areas – the authors categorize them in terms of recreational and health-promoting functions (Piątkowska, 1983; Szumański, 2005). And finally, divide POS in terms of the ecological importance of public space (Fieldhouse, 2002).
In addition to typologies focused on specific attributes or POS determinants, there are also multi-faceted approaches: combines ownership, accessibility and intersubjectivity (Kohn, 2021) and function, perception and ownership of the area (Carmona, 2010). In turn, other author categorizes POS into six spheres related to the usability of POS: structural, economic, natural, recreational, social and cultural (Kępkowicz, 2019) .
Taking into account the main topic of this publication: exploration of the suburban POS, authors fit into all four approaches presented above, although not always to the same extent. The most frequently undertaken approach is the social one. Here, typological divisions concern forms of semi-public spaces (Mantey & Kępkowicz, 2018), the variety of suburban forms according to the degree to which they favor the creation of public spaces (Mantey & Sudra, 2019), the “publicness” of suburban gathering places (Mantey, 2017), usability for the local suburban community (Kępkowicz, 2019) and “third places” of suburbia (Kępkowicz et al., 2019). The next four perspectives on POS exploration of suburbia concern spatial-functional units of POS (Alexander et al., 1977) (Kępkowicz, 2019) (Francis & Griffith, 2011), forms of ownership and control of POS in terms of stakeholders' cooperation for place making (Huang et al., 2020) as well as typology of suburban landscape values (Solecka et al., 2022), as well as a multi-criteria POS classification of suburbs in terms of urban, natural and social determinants (Kępkowicz, 2019).
The presented research fits into existing study paths shown above: a typology of spatial-functional forms of POS and the type of ownership and control over POS. On the other hand, the discussed research problem complements the scientific knowledge gap pointing to the types of POS in suburbs developed through top-down design and planning.
The presented research fits into following existing study paths as shown above: a typology of spatial-functional forms of POS and the type of ownership and control over POS. On the other hand, the discussed research problem complements the scientific knowledge gap pointing to the types of POS in suburbs developed through top-down design and planning.
1.1. Bunnik Municipality as the Object of a Field Study
The case study was carried out in an independent administrative and territorial unit, a municipality, which is itself a “urban organism”. The municipality had the characteristics of a classic suburb, the essence of which, despite differences, is still characterized as “bedroom community” (Dinic & Mitkovic, 2016) created by numerous housing estates with lower building intensity than in a city, where their residents still benefit from the cultural resources and labor markets of the large “parent” agglomeration and take the advantage of open areas with their natural and rural surroundings. (Airgood-Obrycki et al., 2021; Davidson, 2013; Harris, 2015; Kępkowicz & Mantey, 2016; Muminovic & Caton, 2018).
The selection of Bunnik Municipality, located in Utrecht agglomeration (the Netherlands), was influenced by several reasons beyond meeting the previously mentioned conditions. One of them was the recognition earned by the participation and efficiency of planning teams in their urban and rural development. Another reason was the solid background provided by the long-standing tradition of well-planned and innovative built environments in suburban areas noted in the Netherlands (Lörzing, 2006). Furthermore, the Dutch gathering and recreation places point to high standards in the creation of “urban products” (Harris & Lehrer, 2018). Hall even asserts that in terms of best practices in creating sustainable urban and suburban areas, the Netherlands is the undisputed European leader (Hall 2021a). These opinions align with the author's impressions from research trips to Dutch suburbs, undertaken between 2011 and 2020.
The high quality of residential space in the Netherlands suburbs is not accidental. The success of today's POS standard in the Dutch suburban towns is the result of a series of previously implemented strategic plans based on the idea of a residential space integrated not only in terms of development, but also socially and ecologically. Among the main strategies and development polices realized since the 1970s were: the "Growth Centers" program, the Vierde Nota Ruimtelijke Ordening Extra "VINEX; NOTA RUINTE development policy, or the DEED (Buckenberger, 2015; Galle & Modderman, 1997; Hall, 2021; Visser et al., 2009).
As a result, contemporary Dutch suburbs have become a common and attractive living space (Karsten et al., 2013). In recent years, the Netherlands has taken further steps to increase the efficiency of its efforts in this field. The country introduces market-based values such as competition, efficiency and flexibility into its “regulatory” spatial planning system (Remøy & Street, 2018)
The selection of the Bunnik commune was also influenced by the diversity of natural, historical, and urban conditions (described in detail in RESULTS, 3.1. Study area), expressed by:
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Diverse histories of the country towns belonging to the commune
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Varied landscapes (urbanized, rural, natural)
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Diversity of settlement forms, ranging from the most frequent single-family housing estates to multifamily housing estates, and farms
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Presence of public utility facilities, including service-commercial, educational, sports, and social functions, both of local and supra-local importance
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Varied forms of greenery (e.g., urban green spaces, agricultural areas, waterfront and forested areas)
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Diverse forms of mobility, including wide accessibility for pedestrians and cyclists to open areas within three zones of reach: central, local, and peripheral.
1.2. Gathering, and Recreation Places as a Public Space Consumed and Co-Created by the Local Community
The subject of the research was publicly accessible public open space (POS) located in an urbanized and/or natural space and meeting the social needs of residents (Bravo & Crawford, 2014; Kępkowicz, 2019). The focus was on accessibility for pedestrians and bikers especially in relation to residential areas (McCormick, 2016). It appears to be important because it meets the needs of residents who “seek an experience and want to engage and be social with others” (McCormick, 2016). The importance of such places has been emphasized in numerous publications, including the in classic: "A Pattern Language" (Alexander et al., 1977), "How to Turn a Place Around?" (Madden et al., 2010) or “The Great Good Place […]” (Oldenburg, 1989).
Nowadays, it is not only the general social function of these places that is becoming a concern (Horrigan, 2019; Tao et al., 2022; Worpole & Knox, 2007) but also whether they are inclusive (support place making) (Basu & Fiedler, 2017) The concern is also whether these places make our neighborhoods livable and pleasurable (Eriawan and Setiawati 2017; Kępkowicz 2019; Martinuzzi and Lahoud 2020; Praliya and Garg 2019; Project for Public Spaces 2016; Woolley et al. 2003) with noticeable outdoor comfort (Ma et al., 2021; Peng et al., 2021).
The aforementioned gathering places will be understood in this publication as a forum for various human interactions. These can be casual, when people are connected only by staying in the same space, also known as a “gather and stare” (StoneCreek Partners, 2015). They can also be spiritual, dedicated to contemplation of oneself or of nature, or they can be “urban park leisure” (Tao et al., 2022). They can also be dedicated to joint and committed participation in an activity (Madden et al., 2010). Asking a passer-by for directions or travel time, a conversation between a clerk and a customer, a joint bike ride, a collective tai-chi practice, a public political speech, or any group activity that is considered frivolous, when relaxation encourages contact, can be classified as a gathering (Goffman, 1966). Gathering places could be squares, parks, gates, streets, cafe gardens, gateways to public facilities or shops (Alexander et al., 1977; Madden et al., 2010). There are also gathering places that are difficult to access for some, but used by others, e.g., forest clearings or abandoned construction sites where young people often meet (Kępkowicz & Mantey, 2016). Also, these places include spaces that were not strictly public, but semi-private, club type – e.g., sports clubs (Kępkowicz et al., 2014).
Recreation will be understood in the classical sense as “any form of play, amusement, etc. used for refreshment of body or mind” (Veal, 1992) (p.7). The places of recreation are areas where this kind of activities are carried out individually or in groups for personal satisfaction and pleasure (Bell et al., 2001). They are voluntary, internally motivated, and not related to work or other obligations (Veal, 1992). This means they include activities such as plays, sports games and qualified sports (Bell et al., 2001), as well as more passive leisure, involving extensive activity or no activity at all (Veal, 1992).
Nowadays, the social trends take into account not only spaces that are obviously and traditionally considered public: squares, playgrounds, or shopping streets (Alexander et al., 1977; Carmona, 2022; Madden et al., 2010), but spaces that are perceived as “everyday space” (Chase et al., 1999). This meant considering also the non-obvious places, e.g. undefined public spaces appropriated by residents for common purposes (Bravo & Crawford, 2014) and which bore the hallmarks of gathering and recreation functions. These were spaces of all kinds, from public to semi-public, to private – e.g., home gardens made accessible to residents and tourists (Mantey & Kępkowicz, 2018, 2020).
Upon exploring gathering and recreational places, it becomes noteworthy that they come into existence through both top-down and bottom-up actions (Huang et al., 2020; Kępkowicz, 2019).
In summary, it was assumed that due to the aforementioned conditions, in the Bunnik commune there are various forms of public open space (POS), which merge to create diverse spatial-functional forms. The research then focused on identifying gathering and recreation places located in the public space of this suburban commune and subsequently exploring them by conducting their typological classification. The key focus was to refer the resulting types to top-down suburban development.
3. Results and Discussion
The research, both field and desktop, was conducted in 2018-2023. The results first outline the characteristics of the study area in question.
3.1. Study Area
The area of the Bunnik commune (
Figure 1.) was not formally included in the previously described Dutch development strategies. However, echoes of the planned suburban development of the 1970s based on "growth centers" have reached here as well. This also applies to later programs, e.g. VINEX and Nota Ruimte, which shifted the decision-making process to local level to better match the result to local conditions. The "Vinex district” has become a catchphrase, synonymous with new and modern large-scale construction projects. Such "Vinex estates" can be found in all three towns of the Bunnik commune.
In terms of development, the study area includes single-family housing estates as well as several multi-family housing estates in each community town. The estates are usually arranged as areas of fenced private properties with a public common area. Also, each town offers extensive sports and recreational areas. Please note that there are no gated communities in the Bunnik commune.
The largest town in the commune is Bunnik, which has also the most developed commercial and service area, but it is Odijk that is home to the Municipal Office. Werkhoven is the most intimate of the mentioned towns. In Bunnik and Werkhoven, the architecture is rather traditional (Werkhoven has a mini old town), and in Odijk it is much more modern.
The suburban commune Bunnik borders Utrecht agglomeration on the south-east. Although Utrecht is a medium-sized city (population ca. 300,000), it is an important scientific center, with the University of Utrecht and a metallurgical and engineering plant hub.
It is also a tourist destination and an important road junction (roads: A2, A27, A28 and A12 motorway, which leads west to Utrecht and east to Arnhem). The communication system of the Bunnik commune is based on the N229 road and its northern extension, the Provincialeweg (route N411).
A significant share of open agricultural and forest areas, as well as a number of historic buildings (Landgoederij in Bunnik, the 19th-century old town in Werkhoven and several historic churches), made the commune an attractive place to live for over 14,000 residents. The largest increase in the commune’s population was recorded in the mid-1960s and 1970s.
The commune's landscape comprises town-like development, with distinctly separated agricultural and natural areas (forest and waterside), and sparsely located farms.
3.2. Distinguishing of the POS Objects
As a result, 122 POS objects were identified, of which 59 were located in Bunnik, 39 in Odijk and 24 in Werkhoven. Their location was correlated with communication hubs and the layout of access zones for pedestrian traffic (
Figure 2,
Figure 3 and
Figure 4).
In the village of Bunnik, POS objects were located mainly in the central and north-western part of the village, which coincides with residential areas (
Figure 2).
Three objects were outside the peripheral zone. However, they were well connected with the nearby estates mainly by pathways and bike routes. Two of the objects were located in a belt leading to the university grounds, and one was located en route to another town of the commune, Odijk.
In the case of Odijk, all POS objects were located within three access zones (
Figure 3). Due to the size of the village (much smaller than Bunnik) and its compact layout, most of the objects were located in the local zone.
In Werkhoven, which is a small town, most of the POS objects were also located in the central and local pedestrian access zones (
Figure 4). Three of them were located outside the peripheral zone. However, they were conveniently connected – two POS objects were located by the main road leading from Bunnik to Werkhoven, and the third was located in an agricultural area with attractive vistas at the end of one of the local roads.
3.3. Identification of the POS Types
Based on an analysis of the diagrams of POS spheres (
Appendix B) and the structural models based on charts, descriptions, sketches and photos of the objects (
Appendix C), 18 POS types were identified. These were (in terms of the number of POS objects representing them in): estate courtyard, multi-recreational estate lawn, public gateway, playground, greenery site, estate landscape corner, diner's garden, bench with a view, waterside corner, shopping street, open sports grounds, public allotment gardens, town square, multi-purpose school ground, cemetery, landscape walkways, urban farm, and countryside promenade. They are summarized in
Table 1.
The most common type of POS was the estate courtyard. Another group of highly represented types were: estate lawn (19 objects), and greenery site (14 objects). The types with the least number of objects (1) were: mini zoo-like urban farm and countryside promenade. There were also several types that contained 3 objects, one in each locality. These were: open sports grounds and public allotment gardens. Please note that the size of the objects did not translate directly and proportionally into the number of their occurrences. Then, the quantitative distribution of the distinguished POS objects was analyzed per division into localities.
The following types were classified as “numerous”: courtyard, multi-recreational estate lawn and gateway. In the a medium-abundant group, there were playground, greenery site and estate landscape corner. The other types of POS were classified as “sparse”. It was interesting that two types were evenly distributed in all three localities, despite the different number of residents: open sports grounds and public allotments.
The data collected during the research was recorded in working tables (an exemplary table was presented in
Appendix A), diagrams of POS types (
Appendix B), and photos of exemplary POS objects that represent a given type, as well as structural models that describe it (
Appendix C). The collected data were used to supplement the characteristics of the identified types of POS. Together, they comprised the first element of the set of best practices for POS suburbs.
3.4. Analysis of Top-Down Design and Planning Development
The following forms of top-down POS development were identified in the Bunnik municipality:
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Estates with a recreational areas dedicated to the neighborhood community
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Communal (extra-neighborhood) playgrounds
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Greeneries by pedestrian routes
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Social places in central zone
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Multi-purpose recreational areas at schools, available to residents
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Open sports grounds in every countryside town
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Community allotment gardens in every countryside town
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Communal facilities generating informal meetings
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Entrance zones to public facilities with a social space value
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Viewpoints accompanying pedestrian routes
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Network of green walks for recreation in rural and natural landscapes.
3.5. Discussing of the Research Results
The Bunnik municipality has proven to abound in examples of case studies in two areas. First, as a suburban commune, where many different forms of gathering and recreational places have been established. On its territory, 122 POS objects were identified and grouped into 18 spatial-functional units (POS types). Secondly, Bunnik has many case studies of mature Dutch land use management. Featured in its area are 11 of top-down design and planning development.
Upon analyzing the research results, attention was drawn to the fact that effects of some top-down design and planning coincided in several cases with bottom-up development, such as:
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gateways to public utility facilities that are at the same time community spaces
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benches with the view as viewpoints “en route”
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a network of green walkways in peripheral areas intended for recreation in agricultural and natural landscapes
Gathering, rest, and recreation places, which emerged in the course of the research, were explored, characterized and categorized using the POS sphere method (Kępkowicz, 2019). This was made possible by the use of an interdisciplinary set of research methods stemming from environmental psychology, sociology and branding. Research techniques such as non-participant observation, analyses of physical traces, spatial measurement, and analysis of hedonic quality of space were drawn from them. Therefore, the validity of using the POS sphere method was confirmed.
Identified units of gathering and recreation places enhanced livability in Bunnik commune in a number of ways. They formed places for meetings and rest in housing estates, both multi-family and single-family ones. They were located by pedestrian routes and bike paths as places en route, acting as viewpoints and facilitating recreation and meetings in agricultural and natural areas located in the peripheral zone of towns belonging to the Bunnik commune. These places also improved the comfort of using public facilities and supported forming of interpersonal relationships, allowing for creating a community.
Taking into account the distinguished POS types and how they facilitate the livability of suburban commune, the following connections were noticed:
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places that facilitate meetings (get-togethers):
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of families and neighbors: estate courtyard, multi-recreational estate lawn, playground, diner's garden, open sports grounds, public allotment gardens, urban farm
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of community/club members: open sports grounds, public allotment gardens
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of those eager for contemplation: landscape corner, bench with a view, cemetery, landscape walkways
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of casual bystanders: public gateway, playground, greenery site, shopping street, town square, multi-purpose school ground, cemetery, countryside promenade
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of “gather and stare” partakers: public gateway, diner's garden, bench with a view, town square
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places that serve:
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active recreation: multi-recreational estate lawn, playground, open sports grounds, multi-purpose school ground, landscape walkways, countryside promenade, and (to some extent) public allotment gardens
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leisure: estate courtyard, multi-recreational estate lawn, public gateway, greenery site, estate landscape corner, diner's garden, bench with a view, waterside corner, town square and landscape walkways.
Please note that most POS facilities (54 out of 122) were created in the immediate residential area. This indicates the important function of suburbs as bedroom communities for the parent cities, to which they are adjacent.