All the variables had kurtosis values within the required range of 2 to 3 percent, contradicting the alternative normality hypothesis. The probability values of the Jarque-Bera tests for all variables were less than 10%, suggesting country-specific factors may be responsible for the rejection of the normal distribution hypothesis. We use panel data stationarity tests to avoid deceptive parameter estimates. The Im-Pesaran-Shin test developed by Im et al. (2003) and the Harris-Tzavalis test by Harris-Tzavalis (1999) are used to assess stationarity.
4.1. The Result of the BPVAR Model
As noted earlier, we use BPVAR to examine the dynamic impact of macroprudential policy measures on income inequality in emerging countries, as well as to investigate whether the policy shock is persistent over time, covering the period 2000–2019. The IRFs generated from the BPVAR are shown in
Figure 1, where the coefficients for the dynamic impact of macroprudential policy instruments on income inequality have been given a tighter hierarchical priors distribution. The shaded areas represent the 16% and 84% credible sets, respectively.
Figure 1,
Figure 2 and
Figure 3 show the response of income inequality to the restrictions on the LTV ratio, DTI ratio, and financial ratio of the lower-income borrowers (bottom 40% of the income distribution) and the high-income borrowers (top 1% of the income distribution), following the approach documented by Alter et al. (2018) in the case of macroprudential policy and economic growth. The argument for the study, to analyze the shock of macroprudential policy based on the level of income distribution, is to trace which group of income suffers the most when there are restrictions on the adopted macroprudential policy measures.
Figure 1 in Column 1 shows that when the CB tightens the system by using macroprudential policy instruments to restrict the DTI ratio of lower-income borrowers (the bottom 40% of the income distribution), it appears to be more instrumental in promoting income inequality in the bottom 40% of the income distribution in these countries, following a one percent standard deviation shock to the DTI ratio of lower-income borrowers (the bottom 40% of the income distribution) and attaining a maximum impact of 0.15 five years after the shock. The results further show that the impact is persistent over time.
On the other hand, in Column 2, based on the restrictions on the DTI ratio of the high-income borrowers (the top 1% of the income distribution), the results of this study are very interesting, as the study documents that income inequality responds negatively following a one percent standard deviation shock on the DTI ratio of the high-income borrowers (the top 1% of the income distribution), achieving a maximum effect of 0.13 five years later, then converging after two years, reverting to the steady state area, and dying. The results further show that the impact is persistent over time.
These findings are in line with the results documented by Tzur-Ilan (2016), who stress that LTV macroprudential instruments are likely to make less wealthy borrowers more vulnerable, while the studies by Acharya et al. (2017) and Frost and van Stralen (2017) support the notion that borrower-related macroprudential instruments make the wealthy group wealthier, thus increasing wealth inequality. Carpantier et al. (2018) conducted a household survey in 12 European Area countries employing HFCS data. The author found that caps on LVT ratios may reduce wealth inequality in the sense that households find it tougher to get a mortgage, which results in low indebtedness, which pushes wealth inequality low.
Figure 2 and Column 1 show that when the CB responds to any crises through macroprudential policy instruments using the LTV ratio to lower-income borrowers (the bottom 40% of the income distribution), there is a further increase in income inequality in these countries, following a one percent standard deviation shock to the LTV ratio of lower-income borrowers and attaining a maximum impact of 0.25, five years after the shock stabilized. However, these results are insignificant.
Moreover, in Column 1, a negative and insignificant impact was documented on income inequality following a tightening by the CBs through macroprudential policy instruments in response to crises by tightening the LTV ratio of high-income borrowers (the top 1% of the income distribution). The findings show that, following a one percent standard deviation shock to the LTV ratio of high-income borrowers (the top 1% of the income distribution), income inequality responds negatively, reaching a maximum effect of 0.49 after five years.
The logic behind the insignificant impact of restrictive loan-to-value (LTV) ratios on the income of both lower-income and high-income borrowers in emerging markets can be attributed to the broader financial and economic context.
For lower-income borrowers, restrictive LTV ratios often have a minimal effect because access to credit is already constrained by limited income, high interest rates, and inadequate financial infrastructure, meaning that even restrictive LTV ratios do not significantly change their borrowing capacity or income. For high-income borrowers, the impact is also negligible as they typically have alternative financial resources and investment opportunities that are less affected by LTV restrictions. Moreover, in emerging markets, where financial markets might be less developed or less efficient, high-income individuals often have greater access to informal lending channels or international financial resources, diminishing the influence of local LTV regulations. Thus, in both cases, the restrictive LTV ratios are less impactful due to the pre-existing financial constraints for lower-income borrowers and the broader range of financial options available to high-income borrowers. These findings are in line with the results documented by Tzur-Ilan (2016), Acharya et al. (2017), Frost and van Stralen (2017) and Carpantier et al. (2018).
Column 1 of
Figure 3 shows that a tightening in macroprudential policy instruments through financial restrictions (FNCE) on lower-income households (the bottom 40% of the income distribution) leads to a positive response in income inequality. Following a one percent standard deviation shock to the financial restrictions on lower-income borrowers (the bottom 40% of the income distribution) and attaining a maximum impact of 0.39 five years after the shock, the economy stabilizes. The results further show that the impact is persistent over time. In Column 2, as a result of the restrictions on the financial access of the top 1% of the income distribution, income inequality responds negatively, reaching a maximum effect of 0.34 after five years and stabilizing.
The study then controlled for the oil price shock, economic development, monetary policy through money supply, and fiscal policy through government spending, which were found in the literature to further explain the impact of macroprudential policy on income inequality.
Figure 4, in Column 1, presents the findings of the impact of oil price and economic development (GDPp) income inequality. The findings show that, following a one percent standard deviation shock on the oil price (OIL price), income inequality responds positively, reaching a maximum effect of 0.4 after six years. Oil prices significantly impact income inequality in countries reliant on oil exports.
Therefore, the results indicate that high dependence can lead to income disparities as revenues from oil exports are directed towards elites or specific industries, leaving other sectors and individuals with limited economic benefits. Employment opportunities also vary, with rising oil prices boosting job opportunities and income for workers in the oil sector. However, this may not benefit the wider population, as these jobs are specific to the oil industry and may not create sufficient employment opportunities in other sectors. Conversely, low oil prices can lead to job losses and reduced income levels, further exacerbating income inequality. Government revenue and social programs also play a role in income inequality. High oil prices can hinder efforts to diversify the economy, as countries may become overly reliant on oil revenues, limiting opportunities for income growth across different sectors and contributing to long-term income inequality. Conversely, lower oil prices may incentivize governments to diversify their economies, promoting the growth of non-oil industries and potentially reducing income inequality. When economic development and economic growth were controlled, it was found that income inequality responded negatively.
Economic growth is an increase in the capacity of an economy to produce goods and services compared from one period to another. While economic development is a set of programs, policies, or activities that seek to improve the economic well-being and quality of life of a community, these variables are so significant when investigating the impact of macroprudential policies on income inequality.
The results documented in
Figure 4, in Column 2, show that following a one percent standard deviation shock to economic development and economic growth, income inequality responds negatively, reaching a maximum effect of 0.07 after five years. The logic behind the negative impact of economic development on income inequality is that it is due to various factors such as job expansion, increased labor productivity, and investments in education and health care.
These factors contribute to a reduction in income inequality as lower-income individuals gain access to better-paying jobs and improve their living standards. Economic growth also generates tax revenues for social welfare programs, redistribution measures, and infrastructure investments, further alleviating income inequality. Ultimately, economic development positively impacts income distribution by creating a conducive environment for economic opportunities and social policies that foster equal income distribution.
Lastly,
Figure 5 in Column 1 contains the impulse response of income inequality following the shock on monetary policy and a fiscal policy. The finding reveals that, following a one percent standard deviation shock on the money supply (BMS), income inequality responds positively, reaching a maximum effect of 0.1 after five years. The finding signifies that the money supply significantly contributes to income inequality in these countries. Monetary policy can contribute to income inequality through various mechanisms. Lowering interest rates stimulates borrowing and spending, boosting the economy and job creation. However, this benefits wealthier individuals with access to credit and investments, widening the wealth gap.
During economic downturns, central banks often inject money into the economy, benefiting asset holders and exacerbating income inequality. Low interest rates may also lead to higher asset prices, benefiting the wealthy and leaving the less affluent struggling to keep up with rising costs.
Figure 5 in, Column 2, On the other hand, income inequality responds negatively following a one percent standard deviation shock on government spending, reaching a maximum effect of 0.18 after six years and then converging to the steady-state region. Government expenditures can reduce income inequality by implementing measures that redistribute wealth and provide resources to the less privileged. Social welfare programs, progressive taxation schemes, and investments in education and infrastructure can improve living standards for low-income individuals, narrowing the gap between the rich and the poor. These measures also create opportunities for upward mobility and enhance the income-earning potential of disadvantaged groups, ultimately contributing to a more equitable society.
4.1.1. Discussion of the BPVAR Results
In emerging markets, stringent debt-to-income (DTI) and financial ratios can exacerbate income inequality among lower-income borrowers due to their restrictive nature. These strict ratios limit the borrowing capacity of individuals with lower incomes, making it challenging for them to access necessary credit for investment, homeownership, or entrepreneurial activities. As a result, lower-income borrowers may be unable to take advantage of opportunities that could enhance their economic status, while higher-income individuals, who have more financial flexibility, can more easily meet these requirements and secure loans. This disparity in access to credit can widen the gap between the wealthy and the less affluent, as the latter group is disproportionately affected by the stringent requirements, which stifle their ability to improve their financial situation and reduce income inequality.
While for the high-income borrowers, stringent debt-to-income (DTI) and financial ratios can paradoxically help reduce income inequality among high-income borrowers by promoting more prudent lending practices and ensuring fairer financial conditions. For high-income individuals, these strict ratios often serve as a regulatory tool to prevent excessive borrowing and over-leverage, which can lead to financial instability. By enforcing these ratios, lenders ensure that even high-income borrowers are not accumulating unsustainable levels of debt, thereby encouraging responsible financial behavior. This approach helps stabilize the financial system and prevents speculative excesses that could disproportionately benefit the wealthy, thus fostering a more balanced distribution of credit and resources. Moreover, by maintaining financial discipline across all income levels, including the affluent, these ratios contribute to a healthier and more equitable economic environment, indirectly benefiting lower-income groups by creating a more stable and inclusive financial market.
Strict loan-to-value (LTV) ratios in emerging markets do not significantly impact income inequality, as lower-income borrowers are less affected by these regulations. High-income borrowers, with their financial stability and alternative funding sources, can easily meet LTV requirements, thereby ignoring the underlying structural inequalities in credit access and wealth distribution (Zungu & Greyling, 2023)
Oil prices in emerging markets can worsen income inequality by disproportionately affecting lower-income households, who spend more on energy. High-income individuals or those in the oil sector may benefit from rising oil prices through increased investment returns or energy revenues. This leads to higher living expenses for the less affluent, while the wealthy may see financial gains or have greater means to absorb such costs. Government spending on education, healthcare, and social welfare programs can help reduce income inequality in emerging markets by improving access to essential services and creating opportunities for disadvantaged populations. Economic development often leads to growth in sectors providing better job opportunities and higher wages, uplifting lower-income groups. Investments in infrastructure and public services can enhance economic mobility and support small businesses, further reducing disparities. Targeting resources towards poverty alleviation and income redistribution directly addresses structural inequalities, promoting more equitable economic growth and reducing income inequality.
Lastly, the rise in money supply in emerging markets can worsen income inequality by causing inflation, disproportionately impacting lower-income households. Wealthier individuals may benefit from asset price increases and inflation hedges, widening the income gap.