3. Results
As preliminary analyses, we computed descriptive statistics and zero-order Pearson’s correlations among study variables, presented in
Table 1.
Correlation analyses indicated that subscales of psychological well-being are significantly associated among them, in some instances with a large effect size (≥ .5) according to Cohen’s [
65] conventions for statistical effects. As expected, psychological inflexibility was negatively associated with all subscales of psychological well-being (in three instances, the effect size was “large” and in three “medium,” i.e., ≥ .30).
We verified the association between psychological well-being scales and socio-demographic characteristics of the participants that literature indicates as potential confounders: age was significantly correlated with environmental mastery (r = .18, p = .001), purpose in life (r = .22, p < .001); gender was correlated with personal growth (t [315] = –2.63, p = .009); and being currently employed (no/yes) was associated with environmental mastery (t [314] = –6.48, p < .001), purpose in life (t [314] = –5.67, p < .001), and self-acceptance (t [314] = –3.34, p < .001) (n = 316 because one participant did not indicate the current employment status). Participants’ years of education were not significantly correlated with the well-being measures; therefore, it was not considered a confounder in the subsequent analyses.
We conducted a multivariate regression to verify whether psychological inflexibility predicted the six dimensions of psychological well-being, controlling for gender, age, and employment status (n = 316). A multivariate main effect was found (Pillai’s Trace = .587, F(6, 305) = 72.21, p < .001). Psychological inflexibility was negatively associated with all subscales of PWB: autonomy (b = –.36, t = –8.42, p < .001), environmental mastery (b = –.54, t = –14.25, p < .001), personal growth (b = –.28, t = –8.70, p < .001), positive relations with others (b = –.48, t = –9.42, p < .001), purpose in life (b = –.55, t = –12.86, p < .001), and self-acceptance (b = –.67, t = –18.73, p < .001).
To verify the second hypothesis regarding the predictive association between fear of death and dying and well-being, multivariate multiple regression was carried out. Fear of death and dying of self and fear of death and dying of others were treated as the predictors, the PWB subscale as the dependent variables, and the confounders as a covariate (age) or as fixed factors (gender, employment status; n = 316). Results showed a significant multivariate effect of fear of death and dying of others (Pillai’s Trace = .071, F(6, 304) = 3.90, p = .001), but not of fear of death and dying of self (Pillai’s Trace = .020, F(6, 304) = 1.05, p = .395).
In detail, fear of death and dying of self was not significantly associated with any dimensions of well-being (all univariate effects with p > .05). Fear of death and dying of others, instead, showed three significant univariate negative associations: higher levels of fear of death predicted lower autonomy (b = –.22, t = –3.79, p < .001), lower environmental mastery (b = –.20, t = –3.25, p = .001), and lower self-acceptance (b = –.18, t = –2.75, p = .006).
In the light of previous results, we tested the mediational role of psychological inflexibility in the association between fear of death and dying of others and autonomy, environmental mastery, and self-acceptance; we excluded from this analysis fear of death and dying of self and the other three PWB scales because they did not meet the Step 1 in establishing mediation (i.e., the causal variable should be correlated with the outcome; [
66]).
The first mediation analysis included “fear of death and dying of others” as the predictor, psychological inflexibility as the mediator, and autonomy as the outcome, controlling for confounders. The mediation was significant overall,
F(5, 310) = 16.68, p < .001, and accounted for 21% of the variance of autonomy. All the direct effects of the model were significant (
Figure 1), as well as the indirect effect of fear of death of others on autonomy, via psychological inflexibility (
β = –.110, 95% CI [–.167, –.056]. Therefore, the first mediation hypothesis was established. As shown in
Figure 1, fear of death and dying of others was positively associated with psychological inflexibility, which in turn was negatively linked with autonomy. Additionally, there was a negative direct association between fear of death and autonomy, indicating a partial mediation.
The next mediation analysis was carried out using the same predictor, mediator, and confounders of the previous, but treated environmental mastery as the outcome. The analysis was significant, F(5, 310) = 55.50, p < .001, and explained 47% of the variance.
The indirect association of fear of death and dying of others with environmental mastery was significantly mediated by psychological inflexibility (
β = –.162, 95% CI [–.239, –.091], showing a so-called complete mediation (
Figure 2). Increasing levels of fear of death were associated with greater psychological inflexibility and lower environmental mastery.
The last mediation analysis involved the same measures, with self-acceptance as the dependent variable. Again, the overall analysis was significant,
F(5, 310) = 75.12, p < .001, and the
R2 was = .55, indicating a high percentage of explained variance. The mediating role of psychological inflexibility was established, (
β = –.204, 95% CI [–.294, -.109] and the mediation was complete (
c = –.195,
p = .001;
c’ = .010,
ns).
Figure 3 reports the standardized effects emerging from the Model. Once again, higher fear of death was associated with greater psychological inflexibility and, in turn, with lower self-acceptance.
4. Discussion
The general purpose of this cross-sectional study was to investigate eudaimonic well-being as related to psychological inflexibility and fear of death, two psychological factors that, according to the literature, could have had a significant role in influencing the well-being of young adults during the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, our study aimed to add knowledge on the psychological well-being of young Italian adults one year after the outbreak. The national and international literature documented young adults’ poor mental health during the pandemic [
9]. Besides, in the aftermath of the perduring national lockdown from March to May 2020, the Italian government managed the subsequent contagion waves - from November 2021 until March 2022 - implementing an alternation of opening and closing regionally administered measures, potentially putting the Italian population at a higher psychological risk due to this unstable strategy [
15].
Regarding the study’s first aim, the analysis indicated that, as expected, psychological inflexibility was negatively associated with the eudaimonic well-being of young adults participating in the study. Higher levels of inflexibility were statistically predictive of lower scores in all six core components of Riff’s [
30] model of eudaimonic well-being, including autonomy, environmental mastery, personal growth, positive relations with others, purpose in life, and self-acceptance.
To summarize Riff’s model, autonomy reflects the capacity of the human being to be independent, self-regulating, and self-determining; environmental mastery indicates the individual’s ability to gain mastery of the surrounding environment, a key component for positive psychological functioning; personal growth is related to the achievement of self-realization; positive relations with others reflect the depth of connections the person has with significant others; purpose in life refers to the extent to which respondents feel their lives have meaning, purpose, and direction; and finally, self-acceptance is the knowledge and acceptance of self, including awareness of personal limitations [
31,
67]. The model is based on a philosophic formulation of the concept of well-being, rooted in the ideas of Aristotle and ancient Greeks: “first, to know yourself, and second, to become what you are” [31, p. 11]. Both these sides of eudaimonic well-being — self-knowledge and self-realization — seem to be hindered by psychological inflexibility in young adults during the pandemic. These results are in line with earlier studies conducted both before the onset and during the pandemic, indicating that psychological inflexibility is negatively associated with eudaimonic well-being in adulthood [
27,
47,
48]. Taken together, our results and previous literature seem to corroborate the hypothesis that psychological inflexibility is a maladaptive cognitive and emotion regulation strategy associated with a worse quality of life and reduced psychological well-being in adults and young adults. Psychological inflexibility can be described as a particularly problematic response style [
68], characterized by a rigid pattern of reactivity and an inability to adaptively modify one’s behavior in pursuing one’s goals; therefore, this mental rigidness, as hypothesized by the ACT framework [
69], can undermine the pursuit of self-knowledge and self-realization.
This can be a crucial setback in young adulthood, a phase of personal development that represents the long transition from adolescence to adulthood. Young adults have been facing psychologically challenging transitions characterizing this developmental life phase [
13] while the pandemic was undermining labor and socialization opportunities [
6,
14] with an overall detrimental impact on people's trustworthiness in the world [
52,
53].
The study’s second aim was to verify the hypothesis that fear of death was associated with eudaimonic well-being in young adults during the pandemic. We expected that higher levels of fear of death were associated with lessened well-being. The statistical analysis partially confirmed this expectation. More in detail, the fear of death and dying of others proved to be negatively associated with three key components of eudaimonic well-being out of six — autonomy, environmental mastery, and self-acceptance — but not with personal growth, positive relations with others, and purpose in life. On the contrary, the fear of death and dying of the self was not associated with eudaimonic well-being. In this direction, our understanding of eudaimonic well-being in the pandemic context could benefit by considering the multidimensional nature of the construct of fear of death, including both fear of one's own death and fear of the death of others [
70]. This distinction seems crucial in reference to young adults who, in the pandemic context, did not represent an at-risk population from a physical health perspective [
9]. At the same time, in Italy, young people were encouraged to adopt preventive behaviors and restrict socialization occasions – during the pandemic phases – to prevent the virus contraction for other people potentially belonging to at-risk populations because of their age or the presence of former pathologies. In this scenario, our result seems to suggest that, while the pandemic did not represent a direct threat to young Italian adults’ lives, it seemed to have threatened their fear for the physical health of potentially at-risk people, increasing the levels of their fear of death and dying of others, which, ultimately, had a negative impact on certain dimensions of their eudaimonic well-being.
Interestingly, the significant associations between fear of death and dying of others and eudaimonic well-being involved three specific domains of well-being particularly important for young adults and that can have been challenged by the pandemic. First, individuals with higher levels of fear of death of other persons showed lower degrees of autonomy. In Riff’s [
30] model, lower levels of autonomy are observed in persons who are scarcely self-determining and independent, worried about the expectations and evaluations of others, and rely excessively on external judgments for making important decisions [
71]. It is likely that, during the pandemic, young adults have been concerned for the health of significant family members, relatives, or friends, experiencing an increase in fear of their death, possibly due to the mortality risk associated with COVID-19 and the salience of reminders of death [
72]. Thus, the intensified mortality awareness due to the pandemic may have augmented the psychological importance of significant others on which young adults expected to rely on, subsequently diminishing their sense of autonomy and independence.
Similarly, the fear of death of others due to the pandemic may have diminished the sense of control over their external world, a typical characteristic of people with low levels of environmental mastery and lacking a solid sense of competence in managing the environment. Environmental mastery is defined as a sense of control that includes feelings of efficacy in dealing with environments in general. This result is not surprising because young Italian adults, at the time of data collection, had already experienced long periods of lockdown, including isolation from the external environment, and repeated movement restrictions, factors that are thought to engender significant lockdown-related stress among this population [
73]. Research has shown that sense of control is negatively associated with daily stress [
74] and has suggested that the restrictions due to the pandemic and social distancing measures may have interfered with adults’ sense of control [
75].
Lastly, the fear of death of others was associated with lower self-acceptance in young adults. Self-acceptance deals with having a tolerant attitude toward the self, which implies recognizing and positively accepting not only good but also bad personal qualities [
71]. On the contrary, persons with low self-acceptance are unsatisfied or disappointed with their self and desire or even strive to be different from their current condition. A lowered self-acceptance could have been particularly negative for the mental health of young adults during the pandemic. Indeed, it has been shown that self-esteem can protect individuals from adverse psychological consequences (i.e., anxiety and depression) due to loneliness and fear during COVID-19 [
76].
The third aim of this study was to verify the mediation role of psychological inflexibility in the association between fear of death and eudaimonic well-being. The mediation analyses exclusively targeted the three dimensions of eudaimonic well-being that were found to be associated with the fear of death and dying of others. Statistical analysis showed that psychological inflexibility significantly mediates the association between fear of death and dying of others in all the three eudaimonic dimensions examined: autonomy, environmental mastery, and self-acceptance. These findings suggest that inflexibility can be one of the mechanisms linking fear of death to eudaimonic well-being among young Italian adults during the pandemic. According to this result, an increased fear of death concerning significant others may have amplified young adult’s psychological inflexibility which, in turn, may have reduced their well-being. According to the ACT framework, inflexibility is a psychological factor encompassing various inflexibility processes, including cognitive fusion and experiential avoidance [
69]. Experiential avoidance, in particular, has been defined as the phenomenon of attempting to avoid unpleasant private experiences (such as thoughts, feelings, emotions, sensations, etc.), which are expected to be excessively negative or distressing, through deliberate efforts to control, suppress, eliminate, or escape from them [
69,
77]. In some cases, a certain degree of experiential avoidance could function as a self-protective strategy to prevent consequences perceived as catastrophic [
77]. In other cases, when too rigid and/or pervasive, experiential avoidance can be a pathogenic process [
78], a toxic diathesis underlying several psychological vulnerabilities [
77]. In the first place, the frequent use of experiential avoidance is exhausting for individuals and this aspect has spillover effects, including hindering well-being and interpersonal relationship [
68]. Furthermore, although experiential avoidance can provide temporary relief to the person, it can have the paradoxical effect of amplifying those unwanted internal experiences that it was trying to get rid of [
68,
79], engendering a vicious cycle that serves to exacerbate distress.
The pandemic has represented a longer-lasting mortality reminder: the elicitation of peoples' awareness of mortality could have increased individual levels of fear of death and death anxiety [
35]. Specifically, young adults could have experienced more experiential avoidance to face the fear of the death of significant others who, during the pandemic, were at a potentially physically higher risk, such as parents or grandparents, with the unwillingness to remain in contact with such painful thoughts and emotions in such a stressful and challenging situation. The increase in experiential avoidance, a fundamental process of psychological inflexibility, in turn, may have become a setback for their flourishing, hampering their eudaimonic well-being.
As we have already mentioned, there is consistent literature supporting the negative link between psychological inflexibility and well-being [
27,
47,
48], whereas studies focusing specifically on the association between fear of death and inflexibility processes are still very limited. Nonetheless, the findings of the only existing empirical study are coherent with the hypothesis that fear of death and psychological inflexibility might be positively associated. Gong et al. [
80], indeed, have recently investigated this subject in patients with cancer, showing a significant positive correlation, with a large magnitude (i.e., > .50), between experiential avoidance and death anxiety. Besides, research has highlighted the interplay between experiential avoidance, anxiety, and fear, showing that individuals who often employ experiential avoidance are more at risk for developing anxiety disorders [
68], experience fear of intense emotions, and endorse more frequent worry [
81].
Taken together, these findings are compatible with the idea that inflexibility processes may mediate the relationship between fear of death and death anxiety and psychological well-being, but further research is needed.
The current study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the study is cross-sectional and correlational and, therefore, it does not allow drawing inferences about the causal relationships between the variables investigated. Second, we did not collect any measures before the pandemic outbreak, such as measures assessing participants’ fear of death before the pandemic. Consequently, we have no concrete evidence that the pandemic has increased the fear of death due to the increased mortality salience and death awareness, as hypothesized by TMT. Third, we used self-report measures which are at risk for common method and common rater biases [
82]. Moreover, data were collected with an online survey, which has some potential limits concerning the self-selection of participants and their unknowability by the researcher [
83,
84]. Nonetheless, this method allowed the collection of an appreciable number of participants to verify the mediation hypothesis with enough statistical power while complying with the measures for the contagion spread.
Future research is warranted to replicate and extend these findings, overcoming the limits of the current study. In particular, longitudinal studies are necessary to collect data allowing for causal inferences. In addition, the prospective design can reduce some of the method bias concerns associated with gathering all data – predictor and criterion measures – simultaneously [
82]. Future research could employ mixed-methods designs to reduce the risk of common method effects, combining self-report assessments with semi-structured interviews to be analyzed with qualitative methods. In addition, our results could deepen by employing in-depth qualitative methods to be analyzed with reflexive thematic analysis [
85] to develop an understanding of the core meanings attributed by young adults to the pandemic and their perceived influence of fear of death on their psychological well-being.
Besides, future research should control for and analyze the impact of actual life-threatening events and losses on the variables investigated. Severe chronic medical conditions within the family, which can be experienced by young adults as ambiguous loss or anticipatory grief [
86,
87,
88], should also be considered.
Lastly, following a life cycle perspective of emotion regulation [
89], it will be useful to extend the focus to previous developmental ages, such as adolescence, and also consider how young adults turn to others to be helped or to help others in managing challenging emotions and fears. Indeed, the field of study concerning interpersonal emotion regulation is currently growing in importance [
90] and can add new intriguing perspectives to the knowledge of how young adults regulate their emotions in challenging periods like the pandemic.