New Ways of Working
According to recent systematic literature reviews dedicated to the NWW concept [
3,
37], the first articles using this notion were published in the early 2000s [
38,
39]; they mainly investigated flexible workspace and teleworking as facets or components of NWW and their relationships with job satisfaction. Later, during the 2010s, several other articles were published considering additional facets of NWW, namely flexible working hours and the extensive use of ICT. The relationships of these different NWW facets to important work outcomes were investigated. Overall, mixed, and incongruent results have been found so far. For example, regarding NWW and employee satisfaction, some studies found a positive influence [
40,
41], while others found mixed effects [
39,
42]. Several studies noted positive impacts on work engagement [
2,
43]. According to previous research, NWW may also positively influence organizational attraction [
44] and even organizational performance [
45]. Contrastingly, other studies have identified relationships between NWW and negative work outcomes, such as decreased knowledge sharing [
46], decreased work engagement and social cohesion [
47], decreased productivity [
39], and increased work overload [
1]. As this quick literature review of NWW outcomes has shown, emergent findings are mixed and clearly point out the need for further investigations. Does the context where NWW are implemented matters?
Differences between sectors
From a broad perspective, studies focusing on organizational symbolism have consistently demonstrated that public and private organizations have different cultures, values, and objectives [
48,
49,
50]. Several institutional, organizational, and job characteristics are thought to vary across sectors. Both organizational characteristics (e.g., goal ambiguity/clarity, procedural constraints or red tape, hierarchical authority or autonomy) and job characteristics (e.g., employees’ expectations towards work-life balance, social relationships and climate, and career development) are deemed to differ in public, private, and semi-public organizations [
16,
17,
51,
52,
53]. According to this literature, public organizations are often considered to be less flexible and more formalized, procedural, and hierarchical than private or semi-public organizations. As a result, public employees have less latitude, freedom, and autonomy at work, and face more formalized and procedural constraints and strict rules [
54]. The institutional and organizational characteristics, generally attributed by the scientific literature to public and semipublic organizations, more rigid, structured and bureaucratic, compared to private organizations, will contribute to the creation of a specific culture in these organizations. Consequently, employees' expectations in terms of work opportunities within their organization will be largely influenced by the presence of these institutional and organizational characteristics. In other words, the opportunities but also the organizational constraints, which are reflected in the daily work activities of employees, contribute greatly to shaping the perceptions of the actors with regard to the work opportunities available to them [
55]. In view of the institutional and organizational specificities that the scientific literature generally attributes to the various organizations in the different sectors, we can therefore expect, overall, that public employees evaluate the opportunity to use NWW less positively than private sector employees, with semi-public sector employees somewhat in the middle [
16,
17]. This led us to a first general hypothesis:
H1: Public sector employees are less likely to report the opportunity to use NWW within their organization than their private and semi-public counterparts.
We now examine the main sectoral differences by relying on the comparative literature, to propose additional, more specific research hypotheses which will be tested via our empirical investigation. First,
goal clarity/ambiguity is a central difference between sectors. In the scientific literature, public sector organizations are usually considered to have high levels of goal ambiguity compared to their private or semi-public counterparts [
17,
49,
56,
57]. In fact, public organizations often pursue different goals at the same time; these goals are linked to potentially incongruent or even contradictory public policies, as well as by the frequent political interventions in the implementation of public policies. Therefore, goal ambiguity is often attributed to public organizations, and has been extensively investigated by comparative scholars and even HR scholars [
17,
58]. The fact that public organizations and their employees deal with higher levels of goal ambiguity may impede initiatives aiming to making organizations more flexible and open to innovation and change [
59]. This ambiguity of goals is not conducive to the definition of clear organizational strategies. It can also lead to opacity of objectives and working conditions [
60,
61]. One of the important conditions for taking advantage of the NWW is the implementation of management by objectives [
62]. If the objectives appear ambiguous and unclear to employees, then the perception of being able to really benefit from and use NWW may be diminished. Thus, perceived goal ambiguity may lead employees to develop more negative or skeptical perceptions of their opportunity to use NWW. Furthermore, goal ambiguity may also influence individual attributions towards NWW practices. Hence, we hypothesized:
H2a: Public employees are less likely to report job goal clarity compared to their private and semi-public counterparts.
H2b: The more employees report job goal clarity, the more likely they are to report greater opportunity to use NWW practices.
Red tape, which relates to procedural constraints and density, is another very often diagnosed difference between sectors. Red tape is one of the few concepts native to public management literature [
63]. More precisely, red tape is defined as “rules, regulations, and procedures that remain in force and entail a compliance burden, but do not advance the legitimate purposes the rules were intended to serve” [
64]. For that reason, “not all formal rules are red tape, just those that frustrate employees in achieving their goals” [
65]. Bureaucratic and procedural constraints are historically well documented organizational dysfunctions [
66,
67]. Individual perceptions of red tape, or bureaucratic and procedural constraints, have been found to be a predictor of numerous negative and undesirable employee attitudes, specifically in public sector organizations: intention to leave [
68], lack of motivation [
65], increased dissatisfaction [
65,
69], or even feelings of personal alienation, higher insecurity, pessimism, and mistrust [
68,
70]. In the scientific literature to date, procedural constraints and red tape are clearly identified as barriers to organizational change or innovation, particularly through their negative effects on actors’ behavior. Red tape can therefore have a deleterious effect on actors' perceptions of the opportunities available to them in connection with NWW. Accordingly, we hypothesized:
H3a: Public employees are more likely to report red tape compared to their private and semi-public counterparts.
H3b: The more employees report red tape, the less likely they are to report greater opportunity to use NWW practices.
Finally,
autonomy is another important sectoral difference. Public organizations have to deal with political control and scrutiny, whereas private organizations are controlled by the market and economic indicators; semi-public organizations are somewhere in between [
16,
17]. Political accountability usually involves the development and implementation of numerous forms of governmental control [
17]. The political control faced by public organizations comes with increased levels of hierarchy, and “[i]ncreased levels of hierarchy are associated with many of the effects of red tape, frustrating the ability to achieve goals, and therefore might be expected to have a similarly negative effect on employee outcomes” [
65]. Such hierarchies could be detrimental to the adoption of NWW. Indeed, most previous studies of private-public sector differences point out that public employees usually perceive more hierarchical control than their private counterparts [
71]. Thus, public employees may feel more constrained while working; they may have the feeling they lack autonomy and freedom in their day-to-day work [
72] and have less authority over tasks [
52]. They may also develop distrust of management, particularly with regard to the controls they face. This perception of greater control and less autonomy, or latitude in work, may resurface in public employees' perception that NWW are ultimately unavailable or unreachable. Accordingly, we hypothesized:
H4a: Public employees are less likely to report autonomy compared to their private and semi-public counterparts.
H4b: The higher the level of autonomy employees report at work, the more likely they are to report greater opportunity to use NWW practices.
In addition, due to sector-specific institutional and organizational conditions, actors are likely to make different attributions with respect to NWW practices. As is known from the literature on the development of meaning in organizations [
73,
74,
75], institutional (e.g., goals, values, existing rules, regulations) and organizational (e.g., structures, task coordination, working conditions) features affect employees’ expectations of their work and organization. Berger and Luckmann [
76] have shown that the reality perceived by actors is a social construction. Institutional and organizational factors participate in this social construction of reality and therefore condition the actors' perceptions. In relation to hypotheses 1-4, we assume that public sector employees are likely to have lower NWW-related expectations than their private and semi-public sector counterparts. Therefore, we believe that public sector respondents will have more neutral attributions regarding the goals associated with NWW; both private and semi-public employees will be more likely to attribute specific organizational and strategic goals to NWW. Accordingly, we made two additional assumptions:
H5a: Public employees are less likely to attribute well-being goals to NWW compared to their private and semi public counterparts.
H5b: The higher employees attribute well-being goals to NWW, the more likely they are to report greater opportunity to use NWW practices.
H6a: Public employees are less likely to attribute performance goals to NWW compared to their private and semi public counterparts.
H6b: The higher employees attribute performance goals to NWW, the more likely they are to report greater opportunity to use NWW practices.