1. Introduction
Policing is considered a high-stress occupation due to the demanding nature of the job. Along with stressors frequently found in other jobs, police work also involves an increased risk of danger and unpredictable situations. The inherent hazards associated with policing imply that police officers experience a high stress level, exceeding that of most other occupations. Not surprisingly, a growing number of studies have linked police work to poorer physical and psychosocial well-being [1,2,3]. Police officers also show higher mortality rates than the general population [4].
Police officers are tasked with the dangerous job of maintaining law and order, and the organization's success depends on its officers' effective functioning. For instance, in small Caribbean states such as Jamaica, policing is increasingly challenging due to unrelenting high crime rates. Economic challenges mean police organizations are typically underfunded and under-resourced. Furthermore, in the Jamaican context, police operate in an environment with strained and antagonistic police-citizen relations combined with heavy scrutiny from international and local human rights advocates. Resource constraints and pressure to perform under tight scrutiny in a high-crime environment no doubt exacerbate the stress and related problems experienced by these police officers. Consequently, developing a better understanding of the psychosocial risk factors within this work environment is essential to help monitor the well-being of police officers and manage the impact on performance.
While several studies have shown that work conditions directly influence personal experiences of physical and psychological strain [2,3,4,5,6], there is little research on whether subjective appraisals, such as perceived job stress and job satisfaction, may affect this relationship. These affective variables reflect how the individual subjectively feels about a potential environmental stressor they have encountered and act as precursors to health-related problems [7]. Studies have identified associations between work conditions, perceived stress, and job satisfaction [8]. Other research has found associations between job stress and satisfaction and health-related outcomes [9]. These results suggest that job stress and satisfaction mediate the relationship between work conditions and well-being outcomes. Furthermore, within the police literature, mediated roles of job appraisals have been supported, at least in part, in a previous study using a relatively small sample of Jamaican police officers [10] and a study of British police [11]. The current study aimed to investigate the direct effects of work conditions on the well-being of Jamaican police officers and examined the mediating role of perceived stress and job satisfaction in these relationships.
To examine these relationships, the present study used the Demands-Resources-Individual Effects (DRIVE) model [19,20] as the theoretical framework. The DRIVE model adopts elements of contemporary occupational stress perspectives while accounting for the influence of subjective appraisals of the stress experience. Specifically, the first component of the model relates to work conditions (e.g., job demands, control and support) and well-being outcomes (anxiety, depression, physical health, and positive affect) and is based on the direct effects of positive and negative work conditions on outcome measures. Secondly, to represent the subjective appraisal process analogous to the appraisal stages of transactional models, the original model included cognitive appraisals, such as perceived job stress as a mediator in the relationship between work conditions and well-being outcomes. Later, versions of the DRIVE model have included other subjective appraisals, such as job satisfaction. A further feature of the model is the inclusion of important individual characteristics such as coping styles. The model, therefore, allows analysis of the direct effects of work and individual factors and the mediating effect of the cognitive appraisals. Evidence supporting the relationships proposed by the model is given in the following sections.
1.1. Well-being
Well-being is a complex construct. The literature has no general agreement on specific well-being predictors or outcomes. From one perspective, "well-being" is generally conceptualized as a state of optimal functioning and experience [12]. That is, well-being refers to a positive psychological state derived from two standpoints: the hedonic approach, which suggests well-being involves pleasure or happiness and the eudaimonic approach, which suggests well-being consists of fully functioning and realizing one's potential [12]. However, other approaches encompass a broader conceptualization of this construct [13,14]. For instance, operational definitions in the literature cover various outcomes, including psychological, emotional or mental concerns and physical states [13,14].
Well-being is likely to reflect a combination of multiple factors, potentially interacting to affect individuals in a complex manner. For instance, Hart and colleagues [15,16], in their well-being framework, suggest that an individual's overall perceived quality of life includes affective, cognitive and somatic health components. The affective component is defined by positive (e.g., positive affect, psychological morale and well-being) and negative (e.g., negative affect, psychological distress and ill-being) dimensions, whereas the cognitive component is associated with satisfaction with various life domains [15,16]. Acknowledging that well-being is a multifaceted construct has led to the use of several measures that reflect its components. For this research, negative and positive components of well-being and indicators of general physical health were considered.
1.2. Psychosocial work conditions and well-being among police officers
Numerous studies have sought to identify the most significant sources of stress in policing. There are two generally accepted specific sources of police stress: those related to the nature of the organization (e.g., insufficient personnel, inadequate resources, bureaucratic systems) and stressors inherent in the operational duties of policing (e.g. threat of being injured/killed, insults/aggression from the public, high-speed car chases). Both aspects of the job have been linked to adverse psychosocial outcomes. However, most studies show organizational stressors to be more important than operational experiences in predicting physical and psychological health outcomes.
In several cross-sectional studies of Australian police officers, Hart and colleagues [15,16], using measures of police hassles and uplifts, found that organizational factors were the strongest determinants of psychological distress and perceived quality of life.
A longitudinal study of police recruits from New Zealand [21] evaluated the impact of traumatic and organizational experiences on psychological distress. While both job components were associated with distress one year later, organizational stressors had the most substantial effect. Another longitudinal study of urban US police officers [22] found that routine police work in the first year of police service in officers with no previous mental health symptoms was significantly associated with depression at 12 months of follow-up. Similarly, van der Velden, Kleber, Grievink, and Yzermans [23] conducted a longitudinal study of Dutch police officers, examining the relationship between the frequency of exposure to aggression, organizational stressors and life events, and mental health outcomes. The findings indicated that, while the frequency of confrontations with physical aggression was not associated with mental health problems at follow-up, organizational stressors were predictive of mental health issues at baseline and follow-up.
Research in police populations has also shown associations between organizational variables from contemporary stress models and well-being outcomes. Using a small sample of Canadian police officers, Janzen, Muhanjarine, Zhu, and Kelly [24] were among the first groups to test this occupational group's effort-reward imbalance model of well-being. The results showed that high effort, low reward, and over-commitment were significantly associated with psychological distress. This finding has been confirmed in subsequent studies [6,25]. Other researchers [4,5] have found that high demand, low control and low social support were significant predictors of psychological distress. In a study of Italian police officers, Gabarino et al. [26] tested the additive effect of components of the DCS and ERI models after controlling for demographic and personality variables. Control, support and all three dimensions of ERI (i.e., effort, reward, and over-commitment) were associated with depression. Support and reward were associated with lower anxiety levels, and high effort increased anxiety levels.
Houdmont, Randall, Kerr, and Addley [27] used the HSE Management Indicator Tool to assess police officers' perceptions of work conditions and their association with psychological distress. The measure, developed by the UK Health and Safety Executive (HSE), consists of components taken from the DCS model and other dimensions of the psychosocial work environment (i.e., demand, control, managerial support, peer support, relationships, role clarity, and change). Houdmont and colleagues studied a large group of UK police officers and found that four psychosocial dimensions of the HSE Management Standard tool – demands, control, relationships and role clarity - were significant predictors of psychological distress. Based on the above literature, the following hypothesis was tested:
Hypothesis 1: Psychosocial work conditions will predict well-being outcomes in police officers.
1.3. Perceived Job Stress as a Mediator
The definition of stress has evolved from including relatively simple components to more intricate relationships among these elements [28]. Early models narrowly focus on stressful stimuli and responses and ignore individual processes [29,30]. As Lazarus [29] suggests, work conditions alone cannot explain the stress process. Consequently, more contemporary authors conceptualize stress as a more dynamic process, arguing that it is essential to consider the interaction between individuals and their environment. This approach recognizes the role of psychological processes, such as perception, cognition, and emotion [30]. To represent this subjective appraisal component, Mark and Smith [17], in the DRIVE model, proposed that affective perceptions, such as perceived job stress, mediate the relationship between work characteristics and health outcomes. In other words, a psychosocial stressor will not transmit its effect on outcomes if it is not perceived as stressful.
While research has examined conditions of work that result in perceived job stress on one hand and the relationship between perceived job stress and health outcomes on the other hand, there has been little attempt to examine the mediating effects of perceived job stress, particularly in police studies. Exceptions include Oliver et al. [] findings on the mediating role of perceived job sress in the relationship between work demands and wellbeing. Similarly, one police study showed that perceived job stress mediates the relationship between work conditions and work-related outcomes, such as job retention [31]. Research in other occupational groups also supports the mediating role of perceived job stress between work conditions and well-being outcomes [17,32]. Based on the above literature, the following hypothesis was tested:
Hypothesis 2: Perceived job stress will mediate the relationship between psychosocial work conditions and well-being outcomes.
1.4. Job Satisfaction as a Mediator
Job satisfaction has been commonly defined as "the pleasurable or positive emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one's job or job experiences" [33]. Job satisfaction and other occupational and personal outcomes are typically considered outcome variables. It has generally been shown that work conditions strongly influence police job satisfaction. Specifically, core work conditions from the Job Diagnostic Survey (JDS), namely, skill variety, task identity, feedback, and autonomy, are significantly correlated with levels of job satisfaction [32,34,36]. Additionally, positive work factors such as perceived control over one's job, role clarity, promotion opportunities, job security, and innovative opportunities increase job satisfaction levels in police officers. In contrast, negative work conditions such as working on shifts, inadequate pay, organizational changes, and job demands/challenges reduce job satisfaction [37,38,39].
In summary, when examined as an outcome variable, there are established associations between job satisfaction and work conditions [33,37,38]. When job satisfaction is an antecedent variable, it has been significantly associated with health-related outcomes [40]. These two types of associations suggest that job satisfaction probably mediates between work conditions and well-being outcomes. However, few police studies have attempted to test this mediating effect directly. Based on the above literature, the final hypothesis tested was:
Hypothesis 3: Job satisfaction will mediate the relationship between psychosocial work conditions and well-being outcomes.
1.5. Key variables in the present study
The independent variables used in the present study were based on the DRIVE model. Details of the measuring instruments are given in the method section. These variables were:
In addition, the DRIVE model allows for job-specific variables to be included, and the novel variable used here was victimization.
Based on the well-being process model, the outcome variables were those shown below. Again, details of the measuring instruments are given in the methods section.
Positive well-being (happiness, life satisfaction, positive affect)
Negative well-being (negative affect, anxiety, and depression).
Physical health
The mediators were perceived job stress and job satisfaction. The analyses used demographic and occupational information (e.g., rank, years of service) as control variables.
4. Discussion
There have been continuous calls by police stress researchers to improve our understanding of stress-strain relationships by examining specific pathways through which variables affect each other [52,53]. This argument guided the current research. A model framed within transactional theories of stress was used to investigate work stress and well-being in Jamaican police officers. This paper examined the direct effects of work conditions and mediation effects with perceived job stress and job satisfaction as indirect pathways through which work conditions affect the outcomes.
4.1. Direct Relationships
All psychosocial work conditions strongly contributed to psychological distress, though overall relationships between work conditions, positive well-being, and general health were relatively weaker. Regarding significant independent predictors, the results were mixed, which confirms previous research. Negative work conditions were consistent in predicting all dimensions of well-being, though the relationship was stronger for psychological distress. Consistent with previous studies [7,27,31], these results suggest that the negative aspects of the work environment, such as high demands mixed with difficulty withdrawing from work obligations and feeling that one is not consulted on decisions, can be associated with poorer well-being and health outcomes. In contrast, the relationship between victimization and well-being outcomes was weaker. Being exposed to multiple incidents of assault or violence was associated with general health and psychological distress but not positive well-being. The weaker influence of this "operational" variable supports the body of literature that finds organizational factors have a more substantial influence on well-being measures [21,23] compared to operational stressors.
Work support was most important for positive well-being and, to a lesser extent, psychological distress. However, support from work sources was not associated with general health. The weak influence of work support on personal health in the current study is inconsistent with previous police research [7,27]. Current findings suggest that other positive features of the work environment, such as reward opportunities and job control, are associated with positive well-being and general health but not psychological distress. Previous findings also suggested that decision-making authority and other reinforcing elements of the job are essential for the Jamaican police [52]. Evidence for the predictive capacity of these variables is also demonstrated in prior police research. For instance, Gabarino et al. [7], in their study of Italian police officers, found strong support for the influence of similar dimensions from the DCS and ERI models. It may also be possible that the influence of positive work variables may vary depending on what dimensions of distress are being measured. For example, in previous research by Nelson and Smith [10], work support and positive work conditions were significantly associated with depression but not with anxiety. In sum, the current research suggests that conditions of work exert a relatively strong influence on police officers' well-being. However, some conditions appear more variable than others, and relationships may differ depending on the type of well-being being investigated. Addressing the modifiable conditions within the work environment can help reduce adverse outcomes while improving health, but understanding the nuances of the relationships between specific work factors and outcomes is also essential for targeted interventions.
4.2. Indirect effects
While work conditions were directly related to personal well-being, they at least, in part, exert their influence through the cognitive pathways of job appraisals. Interestingly, perceived job stress was an indirect pathway through which work conditions (except work support) influenced psychological distress, but job satisfaction was not. In contrast, job satisfaction mediated the relationship between work conditions and positive well-being, but perceived job stress did not. However, perceived job stress and satisfaction played a similar intermediate role in the relationship between work conditions and general physical health. Support for a mediated pathway through these variables has also been demonstrated in previous police research [31,53,54]. Moreover, this finding partially supports the cognitive-relational hypothesis of occupational stress models such as that proposed in the DRIVE model [17,18].
4.3. Strengths and limitations of the research
This research has provided valuable insights into the stress process by presenting evidence to support the direct effects of work conditions and mediated pathways through job appraisals. Findings suggest that well-being is determined not only by one's exposure to conditions in the work environment but also by the appraisal of these conditions, which helps to reiterate that adopting a methodology that sufficiently captures the complexities of the interactions between police officers' perceptions and their environment is crucial in determining well-being. The research adds to existing literature on police stress and provides a springboard for developing future research using similar methodologies.
A limitation of the research is the use of self-report measures as the primary data source. While self-report measures are quick, easy to distribute and are considered reasonable methods of assessing beliefs, feelings, and behaviors, they are also open to biases in reporting. For instance, the police officers who participated in the surveys may have underestimated or overestimated their perceptions in response to the items. Using self-report measures may also inflate the relationship between variables and result in common method variance (CMV). However, CMV was unlikely, as this would have consistently resulted in high correlations, but this was not observed among the variables in the research.
In addition, given some of the complexities of the relationships that were examined, more sophisticated analyses using structural equation modelling (SEM) may be useful in future research. However, some experts argue that although there are some advantages to SEM, it is not necessarily better or more appropriate than OLS regressions, particularly when testing mediation and moderation models.
Another limitation is the absence of detailed analyses of demographic variables such as gender. These variables were adjusted for in the models but were not the focus of the analyses. The disparity between the number of male and female officers in this study is not unusual, given the typical distribution within police organizations. While it was not the remit of this study to conduct gender difference analysis, as the focus was on establishing direct and mediated relationships, it may be useful for future studies to consider gender differences in those associations.