1. Introduction
Illegal hunting of wildlife is an important contributor to the global problems of biodiversity loss, environmental degradation, climate change and zoonotic pandemics [
1,
2,
3,
4,
5]. Illegal hunting is generally defined as any extraction of wildlife that is not explicitly authorised by state or private owner of wildlife [
6,
7,
8] and usually considered synonymous to poaching of wildlife [
9]. Despite huge and increased investments in anti-poaching measures, illegal hunting has persisted and continued to increase, and it is increasingly being recognised that interventions are failing to effectively address the problem [
10,
11,
12]. The failure to effectively address illegal hunting has generally been attributed to poor understanding of illegal hunting and what motivated people to hunt illegally [
8,
10]. In a recent study, a precursor to the current, Zyambo
et al. [
13] postulated that the persistence of illegal hunting by local hunters in Africa was associated with prevalence of drivers of poaching that relate to their need for survival and sustaining livelihoods and with the prevalence of ineffectively addressed drivers of poaching. They further suggested that the main anti-poaching measures in Africa were mostly designed to address poaching as an activity instead of the drivers of illegal hunting among local hunters. However, these assertions require to be tested in respective areas to ensure validity is based on empirical evidence.
Illegal hunting of wildlife is often conceptualised as a complex phenomenon with various variables that include economic, ecological, cultural, socio-psychological and socio-political perspectives [
7,
14]. Currently, there is no specific single theoretical underpinning for illegal hunting phenomenon that is robust enough to accommodate the complexity of illegal hunting process, despite the contemporary emphasis on instrumental economic theories in literature. However, there are different theories from different disciplines of science that explain illegal hunting phenomenon and may vary in focus depending on respective prevailing local situations. Based on the wide range and nature of drivers of illegal hunting identified in Africa [
13,
15], the theoretical framework which is probably relevant for this study comprises five theories from behavioural ecology, environmental criminology, socioeconomics, social psychology and socio-political disciplines of science. The first theory that underpins illegal hunting is the Optimal Foraging Theory (OFT) because hunters make decisions in hunting for bushmeat that are usually consistent with OFT [
16,
17]. The OFT predicts that the decisions that maximise energy per unit time and thus deliver the highest payoff will be selected for and persist [
18]. Similarly, hunters make decisions in hunting for bushmeat or other material parts in accordance with the Rational Choice Theory (RCT), where people are expected to estimate the likely costs and benefits of an action before acting [
19]. Both OFT and RCT focus on the consequences or outcomes of contemplated behaviour. The third theoretical underpinning of illegal hunting is the Situational Precipitator of Crime (SPC) or Situational Precipitator Framework (SPF) where any aspect of immediate environment continues to create, trigger or intensify the motivation to commit a crime [
20]. Thus, the SPC or SPF focuses on incidents and stimuli or antecedents of contemplated illegal behaviour such as illegal hunting [
21]. The fourth theory is the Defiance Theory (DT) which holds that ‘sanctions perceived as unfair by way of harsh and disrespectful treatment from the sanctioning agent or by lack of procedural fairness will result in a delegitimisation of authorities and furtherance of crime’ [
7,
22]. The prediction based on the DT is that environmental harm, which includes illegal hunting will increase (or persist) as the legitimacy of conservation policies, tactics and authority decline [
23]. The fifth theoretical underpinning of illegal hunting phenomenon is the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB), which holds that attitude (behavioural beliefs), subjective norms (normative beliefs) and perceived control (control beliefs) are determinants of both intention and behaviour [
24,
25]. Thus, TPB connects beliefs to intentions and behaviour and implies that behavioural intention is the most immediate determinant of social behaviour [
26], which includes illegal hunting. Despite having respective assumptions that are possibly inadequate and may not be always valid on illegal hunting phenomenon, the collective aforesaid theories provide complementary, broader perspectives and understanding of complex factors and processes of how individuals engage and persist in illegal hunting of wildlife.
In Zambia’s Luangwa Valley, the problem of illegal hunting of wildlife has persisted for decades despite increased anti-poaching measures such as law enforcement, community-based conservation approach and investments, technical and financial support from various stakeholders [
27,
28,
29,
30,
31]. Consequently, populations of threatened species like elephants (
Loxodonta africana), black rhinoceros (
Diceros bicornis), lions (
Panthera leo), African wild dogs (
Lycaon pictus) and others have been adversely affected during the last four decades [
27,
30,
31,
32,
33]. Illegal hunting in the landscape had by 1995 caused local extirpation of black rhinoceros from a population of about 4,000 in 1973 and reduction of elephant population by 75% to 20,200 animals between 1970 and 2012 [
34,
35]. The annual elephant mortalities due to illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley have remained highest in the last two decades among wildlife landscapes in the country [
31]. Furthermore, other studies in the Luangwa Valley have reported that high levels of illegal hunting by snaring had increased mortality rates and disturbed population structures of wild animals [
28,
29,
30,
36]. The pervasive and persistent illegal hunting by snaring is probably indicative of prevalent local community involvement in poaching, inadequate local community support for conservation and ineffective available measures for addressing poaching by snaring [
28,
37]. However, it is not clearly established why illegal hunting of wildlife has persisted despite increased law enforcement and other anti-poaching efforts in the Luangwa Valley.
Few and mainly not recent studies in the Luangwa Valley by Leader-Williams
et al., [
32], Milner-Gulland and Leader-Williams [
38], Jackmann and Billiouw [
33], Brown and Marks [
39], Kings [
40] and Nyirenda
et al. [
31] identified varied and non-comprehensive drivers of poaching which thereby indicate an equivocal understanding of the phenomenon in the landscape. Similarly, Gibson and Marks [
27] and Brown and Marks [
39] suggested that poor understanding of motivations for illegal hunting among local communities was the main reason for intervention measures that were ineffective and inappropriately targeted at poaching activities in the central Luangwa Valley. Therefore, the main objective of the study is to understand why the occurrence of illegal hunting has persisted among local communities despite increased intervention efforts in the Luangwa Valley. Specifically, the study (1) investigates and interprets how the drivers of illegal hunting influence persistence of illegal hunting by local hunters in the Luangwa Valley; and (2) investigates and interprets how intervention measures affect drivers and persistence of illegal hunting of wildlife by local hunters in the Luangwa Valley. Further, the study tests two hypotheses based on the conceptual view and postulation advanced by Zyambo
et al. [
13] that illegal hunting in Africa was mainly driven by the critical need for survival and sustaining livelihoods and was linked to prevalent and ineffectively addressed drivers of illegal hunting that relate to the survival and sustaining livelihoods. Therefore, the first hypothesis is: H
1: persistent illegal hunting is associated with prevalence of drivers of illegal hunting that relate to survival and sustaining livelihoods of local communities in the Luangwa Valley. The second hypothesis is: H
2: persistent illegal hunting is associated with prevalence of unsatisfactory performance of intervention measures in addressing prevalent drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. The study employs an explanatory sequential mixed-methods design where the findings from quantitative survey are clarified, confirmed and enhanced in providing deeper understanding by consequential use of qualitative study method.
This represents the first study to provide empirical evidence that persistence of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley was mainly driven by the prevalence of drivers of illegal hunting that were related to people’s critical needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods and that the same prevalent drivers were ineffectively addressed. This was contrary to the perspective by resource managers that weak law enforcement was the main driver of illegal hunting in the landscape. The study is also the first to underscore the significance of beliefs, behavioural intentions to hunt illegally and defiance as critical contributory factors driving illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. Consequently, a different and novel perspective is advanced for addressing the problem of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley by shifting the focus to interventions that are specifically targeted at drivers of illegal hunting instead of symptomatic poaching activities.
4. Discussion
This study was undertaken to understand why illegal hunting had persisted in the Luangwa Valley despite various intervention measures being implemented. The study intended to achieve the main objective by determining, analysing and interpreting how drivers of illegal hunting and intervention measures affected persistence of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. The binary logistic regression analysis to test the likelihood of high persistence of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley, confirmed the relevance of analysing the influences of drivers of illegal hunting and intervention measures on persistence illegal hunting. Three significant binary logistic models (
p < 0.05) showed that two drivers of illegal hunting and illegal hunting levels were predictors with positive effect on the likelihood of high persistence of illegal hunting whereas one intervention with satisfactory performance rating had a negative effect (see
Table 6). Thus, drivers of illegal hunting and intervention measure with satisfactory performance rating had expected opposite directions of effects on the likelihood of high persistence of illegal hunting. Using illegal hunting levels in predicting persistent illegal hunting was necessary because they are indicative of whether drivers of illegal hunting were prevalent or not, and whether prevalent drivers were being addressed effectively or not. Therefore, the analyses of drivers of illegal hunting, performances of intervention measures and illegal hunting levels for understanding the persistence of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley were pertinent to this study.
Here the study provides empirical evidence that illegal hunting had persisted because prevalent drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley were critical need for people’s survival and sustaining livelihoods and that these drivers of illegal hunting had not been addressed effectively. The study also provides new understanding on how prevalent drivers of illegal hunting and other factors such as defiance, beliefs of local illegal hunters and limitations of law enforcement may have operated in influencing levels and persistence of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley.
4.1. Reliability, Validity and Trustworthiness of Study Instruments and Process
The reliability and validity of the questionnaire were deemed acceptable because the pre-tested questionnaire items showed only few items had problems (which were corrected before data collection), most items were not wrongly responded to, responses were not mutually contradictory, and the coefficient of Cronbach’s Alpha was 0.9, n = 86 (after study data collection the coefficient was 0.8, n = 68). Heale and Twycross [
52] indicated that the reliability of the questionnaire is considered acceptable when the coefficient of Cronbach’s Alpha is at least 0.7. Additionally, the qualitative data collection, analysis and interpretation were considered trustworthy based on the congruence and confirmability of data among FGDs and between FGDs and IDIs, and long period (over six months) of engagement with participants as recommended by Lincoln and Guba [
53]. Furthermore, reporting and interpreting negative-case analysis and recorded proof of evidence of data collected in this study also enhanced the credibility and dependability of data collected, data analysis and interpretation as guided by Guba and Lincoln [
55], Cope [
56] and Nowell
et al. [
57].
4.2. Drivers, Intervention Measures and Persistence of Illegal Hunting
The study here provides the first comprehensive list of drivers of illegal hunting, conceptualised as proximate, underlying and thematic for the Luangwa Valley landscape. A total of 27 drivers of illegal hunting identified by quantitative and qualitative approaches (see
Table 2 and Supplementary Material:
Table S7). The quantitative survey approach determined 23 drivers of illegal hunting whereas qualitative approach identified 18 drivers. Four (4) of the 18 drivers of illegal hunting were exclusively identified through qualitative methods and included behavioural intention to hunt illegally, non-ownership of wildlife by communities, human encroachment and development, and poor partnerships/collaborations. Most of the drivers of illegal hunting identified by quantitative survey approach were similar to those identified in a scoping review study in Africa by Zyambo
et al. [
13] although it had fewer drivers (17 in total). The quantitative approach of this study had more identified drivers of illegal hunting probably due to the survey method that included reformed local hunters and three other stakeholders as sample population which broadened the perspectives whereas a scoping review study in Africa only considered a sample population of local hunters. The study also identified slightly over double the number of drivers of illegal hunting determined in another study in Africa by Lindsey
et al. [
15]. Furthermore, this study identified more drivers of illegal hunting than earlier studies in the Luangwa Valley [
31,
32,
33,
38,
39,
40], implying that the current study identified the most comprehensive drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley.
Here the study provides supporting evidence for the hypothesis that persistence illegal hunting was associated with the prevalent drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. Among the eight most prevalent drivers of illegal hunting identified in the Luangwa Valley, five of these were categorised under a thematic driver - need for survival and sustaining livelihoods (see
Table 2). Despite being under a different thematic category, preventative killing and human-wildlife conflicts, as drivers of illegal hunting, also related directly to the people’s needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods. This implies that seven of eight prevalent drivers of illegal hunting related to people’s needs for survival and sustain livelihoods. The prevalence of five illegal hunting drivers that related to people’s continual needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods places a continuous demand for illegal extraction of wildlife in the Luangwa Valley. This is because survival and sustaining livelihoods are critical human motivations or needs based on the Maslow’s hierarchy of human needs and evolutionary pressure for successful reproduction and survival [
60]. Further, among the first 12 prevalent drivers of illegal hunting, six were significantly associated with persistence of illegal hunting (
p < 0.05) and five of them were related to people’s needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods. Thus, the prevalence of drivers of illegal hunting and their significant association with persistence of illegal hunting provide evidence that persistence of illegal hunting was linked to prevalent people’s needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods in the Luangwa Valley. The findings of this study are consistent with what other studies conducted elsewhere in Africa found that illegal hunting was used as a strategy for survival and supporting livelihoods [
39,
61,
62,
63,
64].
The study also found supporting evidence for the hypothesis that persistence of illegal hunting was associated with prevalent drivers that were unsatisfactorily addressed by intervention measures. Firstly, the prevalence of drivers of illegal hunting was not significantly correlated with prevalence of respective intervention measures (rs = - 0.24, df = 9, p = 0.485). Ideally, there should be a significant positive correlation between prevalence of drivers of illegal hunting and prevalence of respective intervention measures to increase the likelihood of addressing the drivers effectively. However, the study found a non-significant negative correlation which implied that the prevalence of intervention measures did not commensurate or match with the prevalence of drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. Secondly, the prevalence of drivers of illegal hunting was negatively correlated with the prevalence of respective intervention measures with most satisfactory performances (rs = - 0.81, df = 9, p = 0.003) and positively correlated with the prevalence of respective intervention measures with unsatisfactory performances (rs = 0.62, df = 9, p = 0.040). These denote that intervention measures with most satisfactory performances addressed less prevalent drivers of illegal hunting whereas those with unsatisfactory performances dealt with more prevalent drivers. Thirdly, the persistence of illegal hunting was significantly associated (p < 0.05) with five of seven intervention measures with unsatisfactory performances in addressing drivers of illegal hunting that directly related to people’s need for survival and sustaining livelihoods. This suggests that the intervention measures did not match with nor satisfactorily address the most prevalent drivers of illegal hunting (the needs for people’s survival and sustaining livelihoods) in the Luangwa Valley. Therefore, persistent illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley was mainly driven by prevalent people’s needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods which were not effectively addressed. Considering that the needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods are most critical, communities may engage or access whatever resource is readily available to survive and sustain their livelihoods. It implies that when prevalent drivers of illegal hunting relate to people’s critical needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods, and when these needs are not met, then illegal hunting of wildlife is likely to be high, pervasive, and persistent. Furthermore, any illegal hunting intervention strategy that is not addressing the poachers’ critical motivation for poaching, is likely to be ineffective and thereby unsustainable in tackling the illegal hunting problem.
4.3. Defiance/Protesting Unfairness
Defiance or protesting unfairness as a driver of illegal hunting is defined based on the Defiance Theory (DT) and its prediction that environmental harm, which includes illegal hunting, will increase (or persist) as the legitimacy of conservation policies, tactics and authority decline [
23]. Therefore, defiance is usually done when local community members protest perceived unfairness or injustices by engaging in illegal hunting. The quantitative survey of this study identified defiance as one of the least prevalent drivers of illegal hunting (n = 10, 2.9%) in the Luangwa Valley. However, in the qualitative method of FGDs, defiance was found to be one of the most prominent subthemes with 19 references cited from five FGDs. The structured questionnaire in the quantitative survey probably restricted respondents from expressing their deeply rooted feelings and experiences related to defiance whereas participants in FGDs were able to express their resentments towards some injustices or unfairness by wildlife management regulations and practices. Thus, results from qualitative data analysis clarified and provided deeper understanding on the significance of defiance as one of drivers of illegal hunting in the FGDs. Importantly, participants in FGDs provided six reasons (as earlier reported herein) for defiance which were remarkably related to people’s needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods in the communities. The prominence and credence of defiance were supported because the reasons for poaching wildlife in protest for unfairness were directly related to prevalent proximate drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. This suggests that local communities are likely to protest any unfairness or injustices by hunting illegally when the perceived unfairness or injustices are related to critical needs for local communities that motivate them to poach wildlife. Therefore, defiance or protesting unfairness as the driver of illegal hunting augments the premise that illegal hunting had persisted in the Luangwa Valley mainly because of the prevalent people’s critical needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods which were not effectively addressed. This represents the first-time defiance or protesting unfairness is empirically identified as one of the drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley landscape.
4.4. Beliefs and Behavioural Intentions to hunt Illegally
Participants in mostly Reformed Illegal Hunters FGDs expressed behavioural, normative and control beliefs about wildlife, illegal hunting and its benefits in 64 references cited from seven FGDs. The essence of the participants’ beliefs was that wildlife was given by God for people’s survival and illegal hunting was good and an important means for helping suffering people who have no alternative options which thereby made it difficult to stop poaching. The articulated beliefs by participants were linked to behavioural intentions to hunt illegally because these behavioural intentions were expressed in a consequential manner to beliefs during FGDs. According to the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB), behavioural, subjective norms (normative) and perceived control beliefs determine both intention and behaviour [
25,
26] and that behavioural intention is the most immediate determinant of social behaviour [
26,
65]. This suggests that behavioural intention to hunt illegally is the most proximate driver of illegal hunting behaviour. Thus, the behavioural intention to hunt illegally energises other drivers of illegal hunting in influencing or mediating illegal hunting behaviour in an individual. The concept of behavioural intention has been used to assess behavior change interventions and study potential predictors of illegal hunting [
66,
67]. Further, studies on behaviour change interventions and predicting behavioural intentions, provide empirical clues that behavioural intentions to hunt illegally or to conserve are critical factors that determine whether people in a community who may be affected by similar drivers of illegal hunting, end up hunting illegally or refraining from poaching respectively [
66,
67]. Therefore, behavioural intention to hunt illegally is considered the most immediate driver of illegal hunting behaviour as argued by Zyambo,
et al. [
13] in the conceptual framework on how underlying, proximate and most proximate drivers may sequentially influence illegal hunting behaviour. The prominence of the theme, behavioural intentions to hunt illegally, with 17 references in six FGDs, suggests that it could be pervasive among local illegal hunters and indicative of inadequate intervention measures in the area which strengthened beliefs of local communities that supported conservation, and those which weakened beliefs that encouraged illegal hunting behaviour. This study represents the first-time the behavioural intention to hunt illegally is investigated and described as a driver of illegal hunting at the landscape level in the Luangwa Valley.
4.5. Limitations of Law Enforcement in Addressing Illegal Hunting
Despite being the most prevalent intervention measure (n = 213, 61.6%) in the Luangwa Valley, improved law enforcement addressed one of the least prevalent drivers of illegal hunting, weak/ inadequate law enforcement (n = 39, 11.3%). The priority to improve law enforcement emanated from the perspective by Wildlife Agency Staff that inadequate law enforcement was the most important drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley as shown from its high prominence during the Wildlife Agency Staff FGD and IDIs of conservation experts (see
Table 7). However, this study found evidence that inadequate law enforcement was not the major motivation for illegal hunting among local illegal hunters and that law enforcement had limitations in addressing illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. Although law enforcement was the most prioritised intervention measure and had most satisfactory performance rating, the study found that illegal hunting levels in the Luangwa Valley were moderate to high and persisted for up to over 30 years. Results from FGDs and IDIs indicated that the theme, limitations of law enforcement, was prominent with a total of 24 references cited from six FGDs and three IDIs. Further, results from FGDs and IDIs also showed that the major limitation of law enforcement was that it did not effectively deter local illegal hunters from poaching wildlife mostly because local illegal hunters were mainly motivated by prevalent drivers like poverty, and needs for income, bushmeat and livelihoods and not by weak law enforcement. This is consistent with what Milner-Gulland and Leader Williams [
38] suggested in a study in the Luangwa Valley that very high law enforcement was more unlikely to be effective in deterring local illegal hunters than non-local illegal hunters and that livelihood programmes were more successful deterrent measures to local illegal hunters. Likewise, Marks [
29] reported that when law enforcement increased in the central Luangwa Valley, local hunters were not deterred from illegal hunting but changed hunting methods from using firearms to snaring to avoid detection by law enforcement staff. Therefore, improved law enforcement in the Luangwa Valley may have had little or no effect in deterring local illegal hunters who could be in larger numbers than non-local hunters as suggested by numbers of references cited on types of illegal hunters during FGDs and IDIs (see
Table 7).
This implies that when law enforcement is the major intervention measure against illegal hunting that is mainly driven by the critical needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods, then illegal hunting by local hunters is likely to be high, pervasive and persistent. It underscores the importance of identifying drivers of illegal hunting and then targeting them with respective intervention measures, instead of assuming intervention measures for dealing with poaching activities of unidentified motivations. However, improved law enforcement could be more effective in deterring non-local illegal hunters as suggested by Milner-Gulland and Leader-Williams [
38] probably because it increases the cost of illegal hunting to them especially that they travel long distances to usually vast and less familiar terrains for poaching wildlife. The increased cost of illegal hunting to non-local illegal hunters includes increased risks of being detected, increased risks of being arrested and increased risks of failing to achieve the objectives of the long-distance illegal hunting excursion.
4.6. Different Perspectives on Drivers of Illegal Hunting and Intervention Measures
Results from quantitative data analysis showed that the perspectives of stakeholders on drivers of illegal hunting and intervention measures were different based on the significant differences found in the proportion means and distribution patterns of responses by stakeholders in respective strata. Firstly, the distribution of responses by Reformed Illegal Hunters were significantly more than expected (p < 0.05) in identifying mostly prevalent proximate drivers of illegal hunting that related to people’s needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods. Secondly, the distribution of responses by Wildlife Agency Staff and Conservation Interested Entities were significantly more than expected (p < 0.05) in identifying mainly underlying drivers of illegal hunting that were mostly not related to people’s needs to survival and sustaining livelihoods in the Luangwa Valley. Thirdly, the response distribution patterns by Reformed Illegal Hunters were significantly different (p < 0.05) from those of Wildlife Agency Staff and Conservation Interested Entities. The propensity for identifying proximate drivers of illegal hunting was higher in Reformed Illegal Hunters whereas it was higher for identifying underlying drivers of illegal hunting in Wildlife Agency Staff and Conservation Interested Entities.
Qualitative data analysis in this study also highlighted the differences in perspectives on drivers of illegal hunting. The Wildlife Agency Staff FGD and three IDIs provided a total of 23 references that cited weak/inadequate law enforcement as a most prominent driver of illegal hunting among them. However, the Wildlife Agency Staff FGD did not contribute to references cited for the most prominent drivers of illegal hunting such as need for income, poverty, human-wildlife conflicts and lack of alternative livelihoods. The Wildlife Agency Staff and Conservation Interested Entities considered weak law enforcement as the most important driver of illegal hunting and prioritised improvement of law enforcement and hence it was the most prevalent intervention measure implemented, even though weak law enforcement was among the least prevalent drivers of illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley.
Hence, the perspectives by the resource users (Reformed Illegal Hunters) in the Luangwa Valley were more inclined to proximate drivers of illegal hunting that concerned people’s critical needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods. However, the perspectives of resource managers (represented by Wildlife Agency Staff and Conservation Interested Entities) were more disposed to underlying drivers of illegal hunting that did not directly deal with people’s needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods, such as weak law enforcement, high market demand for wildlife products, lack of conservation education/awareness and human population increase/influx. This is consistent with what a study in Tanzania on factors contributing to illegal hunting found that resource managers’ perspectives concentrated on facilitating factors such inadequate patrol resources and impassable roads whereas those of resources users focused on motivating factors such as limited income-generating opportunities and facilitating factors [
68]. Remarkably, the perspectives by Reformed Illegal Hunters (direct wildlife resource users) on drivers of illegal hunting also differed from those of Community Resource Boards who are local community members. Thus, the perspectives of community members in general may not adequately represent those of direct resource users (hunters) on what motivates hunters to engage in illegal hunting. Furthermore, this implies that when perspectives on drivers of illegal hunting by resource users and managers are different, and resources managers do not consider perspectives of resource users, it is most likely that anti-poaching strategies by resource managers would be biased and inadequate for holistic tackling of poaching problem and might consequently lead to persistent illegal hunting. This underscores the importance of understanding and considering perspectives of both resource users and managers on drivers of illegal extraction of natural resources in designing holistic and effective intervention strategies.
4.7. Proposed Postulation on Persistence of Illegal Hunting
Based on the evidence provided in this study, we postulate that in communities that surround or are adjacent to protected areas in the Luangwa Valley and elsewhere, (persistent) illegal hunting behaviour is a result of interactions of behavioural intentions to hunt illegally from local beliefs (behavioural, normative and perceived control) with prevalent drivers of illegal hunting and motivations for defiance. This postulation takes into consideration of possible dynamics in the prevalent drivers of illegal hunting and motivations for defiance and is based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour [
24,
25,
26,
64] and Defiance Theory [
7,
22,
23]. Further, if there are prevalent drivers of illegal hunting in an area it implies that intervention measures for addressing them are ineffective. In the study, the behavioural intentions to hunt illegally were influenced by beliefs (behavioural, normative and control) that were related to the prevalent drivers of illegal hunting and motivations for defiance.
4.8. Limitations of the Study
The evidence provided in this study is based on associations and correlations of variables which may not imply causation in the relationships. However, associations may be due to direct or indirect causations [
69] which were not determined in this study. Variables in the study were many and there was a possibility of having confounding variables and spurious associations. Furthermore, variables for associations and correlations in this study were largely based on views or perceptions which are prone to perception bias. Therefore, the study may not have provided proof of direct or indirect causation but provided evidence of the most likely relationships which are highlighted and supported by findings of both quantitative and qualitative study approaches in this study, and other studies done elsewhere in Africa.
4.9. Future Directions
We recommend that experimental studies be done to establish causation of associations of drivers of illegal hunting and intervention measures with persistence of illegal hunting. This will provide proof of either direct or indirect causations of persistent illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley. Secondly, studies should be conducted in other landscapes to validate the postulation suggested in this study that in communities that surround or are adjacent to protected areas, (persistent) illegal hunting behaviour is a result of interactions of behavioural intentions to hunt illegally from local beliefs (behavioural, normative and perceived control) with prevalent drivers of illegal hunting and motivations for defiance. Furthermore, based on the findings of this study we propose the following new guidelines for addressing persistent illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley: (i) design intervention measures for addressing drivers of illegal hunting instead of targeting symptomatic illegal hunting activities, (ii) prioritise addressing key prevalent drivers of illegal hunting which relate to people’s critical needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods, (iii) address local beliefs (behavioural, normative and perceived control) that influence behavioural intentions to hunt illegally, and (iv) address motivations for defiance which is expressed by local people in protesting perceived injustices or unfairness by hunting illegally, (v) improve and sustain law enforcement to deter non-local illegal hunters. We suggest that these proposed guidelines for addressing drivers of illegal hunting may adaptively be applied in tackling illegal harvesting of other natural resources in protected areas which are surrounded by local communities with similar socio-economic contexts.
5. Conclusions
Decades of persistent illegal hunting had resulted in severe wildlife population declines with evidence of extirpation of an endangered species in the Luangwa Valley. Despite various intervention measures, the problem of illegal hunting persisted and the reason for its persistence had not been clearly established. We analysed drivers of illegal hunting and intervention measures using quantitative and qualitative approaches to provide a deeper understanding on why illegal hunting persisted in the Luangwa Valley. We have empirically established that persistent illegal hunting was mostly driven by prevalent people’s critical needs for survival and sustaining livelihoods which were not effectively addressed, and that weak or inadequate law enforcement was not the main motivating factor as presumed by resource managers. In the study, we found the following problems that could be contributing to persistent illegal hunting of wildlife in the Luangwa Valley: (i) prevalent drivers of illegal hunting in the area were related to people’s critical need for survival and sustaining livelihoods, (ii) the perspective by resource managers that inadequate law enforcement was the main driver of the illegal hunting differed from that of direct resource users, (iii) prevalent intervention measures did not commensurate with prevalent drivers of illegal hunting, (iv) intervention measures with unsatisfactory performance ratings addressed the more prevalent drivers of illegal hunting, (v) prevalent law enforcement was ineffective in deterring local illegal hunters from poaching, because it did not address the critical drivers of illegal hunting, (vi) behavioural intentions to hunt illegally by local hunters were pervasive in the landscape due to their beliefs on wildlife, illegal hunting and its benefits, and (vii) the local illegal hunters also poached wildlife in sheer defiance in order to protest perceived unfairness or injustices by authorities. These represent empirically generated insights and focus areas for addressing the problem of persistent illegal hunting in the landscape. Therefore, this study has contributed to conceptual knowledge on how persistent illegal hunting may occur and hence to practical understanding on what could be helpful in addressing the poaching problem in African landscapes with protected areas that are surrounded by local communities. The profound implication of the findings is that where illegal harvesting of natural resources in protected areas by local resource users is driven by the critical needs for survival and livelihoods which are not effectively addressed, illegal harvesting may persist even with increased law enforcement. We hope the novel knowledge and understanding on persistent illegal hunting in the Luangwa Valley will provide valuable information to researchers, policy makers and resource managers for increased understanding and knowledge base, specific and sustainable policy directions, and effective wildlife resource management. However, if the status quo is maintained, then illegal hunting will persist further in the Luangwa Valley and continue to undermine wildlife and biodiversity conservation, tourism development and sustainable community livelihoods.