1. Introduction
In the countries of the North African region, agriculture has often been a pillar of development policies. It is for example the case of Egypt, Morocco and Algeria (Akesbi N., 2013; Aboul-Naga A. et al., 2017) Depending on the country, between 20 and 45% of the population is rural, and agricultural activity employs 10 to 35% of the working population (data from (FAO; World Bank)). The agricultural sector is characterized by the predominance of family farming, with many small to medium-sized farms (Bessaoud O. et al., 2017). Locally, agro-climatic and demographic contexts, topography and water availability affect the occupation of space by agriculture as well as the types of production systems. In land systems, there are trends towards both land concentration (Jouili et al., 2013; Ameur et al., 2018) and land fragmentation (Marzin J. et al., 2016; Chohin Kuper et al., 2023).
The strong population growth and rapid increase in the urban population in recent decades (Rastoin J.-L., 2015) have led to sustained growth in the demand for food. According to (Marty P. et al., 2015), the demand for food products has "increased fivefold in the space of fifty years". This increase in demand mainly concerns cereal products, vegetable oils, sugar plants and livestock feed, particularly oilcake.
To meet these growing needs and limit food imports, particularly of cereals, which weigh heavily on national budgets, agricultural production has been intensified in the region, in the wake of the Green Revolution, with the increased use of chemical inputs that were previously little used. Intensification has led to an increase in productivity per hectare, limited by a high variability in the yields of rainfed crops, which occupy the majority of agricultural areas in the region, with the exception of Egypt. Intensification has also resulted in excessive pressure on water resources, particularly underground and fossil resources, with the creation of irrigated perimeters and the multiplication of boreholes. Finally, intensification results in a significant degradation of soil resources, their erosion by the cultivation of marginal and unsuitable soils and their salinization by inappropriate irrigation practices.
The economic costs of desertification and land degradation are documented by a series of studies, including by the World Bank since the 2000s (Croitoru and Sarraf, 2010, 2017) Those highlight losses in soil productivity linked to forms of erosion. The main causes, in terms of anthropogenic uses, are linked to overgrazing, marginal land cultivation and irrigation, but also to deforestation and the loss of fertile land linked to urban sprawl (Hervieu et al., 2009; Requier-Desjardins M. et al., 2009). The average annual value of the economic losses generated, which in the early 2000s varied from 0.44% (Tunisia) to more than 1% of GDP (Algeria, Egypt), represents mainly the environmental cost of the growth of the primary sector, based on the intensification and cultivation of new and more vulnerable land.
Recently, the challenges related to climate change in the region "with a scarcity of rainfall and the multiplication of drought episodes" (Marty P. et al., 2015) question the relevance of the conventional intensification path and may open the door to alternatives for the agricultural and rural future of the region, including the development and dissemination of agroecology. Agroecology refers to the greening of agrosystems with the mobilization of ecosystem services to limit exogenous inputs, enhance biodiversity, and moderate the exploitation of natural resources (Tibi A. and Therond O., 2017). Agroecological practices, whether endogenous or introduced, offer pathways for transitioning and transforming agriculture and food systems towards sustainability
1.
These practices are numerous, diversified and contextual and the study chooses to approach them according to the major agrosystems of the region. An agrosystem is an ecosystem modified and controlled by humans and dedicated to the exercise of agriculture (crops, livestock, product exchanges, etc.). It is an agricultural unit that is coherent from a geographical and climatic point of view as well as from an agronomic and human point of view
2. The agrosystem can correspond to the scale of projects, as well as to that of the territory, but it can also be restricted to the farm or the plot.
The available work on agroecology in North Africa (Lattre-Gasquet M. de et al., 2017; Ameur et al., 2020; Akakpo et al., 2021), although growing in number, does not allow for a systematic treatment of the characteristics of agroecology in the region. This is why, in the absence of an empirical survey, the entry chosen to document this first state of agroecological practices and transition in North Africa is that of an analysis of development projects relating to sustainable agriculture.
At the regional level, the study leaves out pastoral and agropastoral systems. Livestock farming is considered here only from the point of view of its integration into agriculture. The diversity of agricultural systems is then approximated according to pedoclimatic characteristics, major land uses and demography (Dufumier, 2009). Five main types of agrosystems are identified: cereal plains, arboreal mountains, oases and peri-urban areas, and a group of irrigated valleys and new developed land using groundwaters. A corpus of 88 sustainable agriculture projects is collected, through a systematic web investigation, to address the potential for agroecological transition in these agrosystems.
The first section introduces the notion of agroecological transition, exposes the main frameworks for analyzing this transition, and discusses them from the point of view of the types of sustainable agriculture and the characteristics of the region studied. The second section explains the methodology adopted for the selection and analysis of projects, presenting their diversity. In a third part, the results obtained are presented. The fourth part develops the main elements of discussion, resulting from the identification and characterization of the agroecological practices promoted by these sustainable agriculture projects.
Agroecology, a concept that emerged in the 1930s, has become a holistic, multidisciplinary and multidimensional notion, according to (Wezel et al., 2009). At the international level, the number of referenced publications in the field of agroecology has increased 10-fold in the space of 20 years (Brym and Reeve, 2016). Agroecology is at once a scientific discipline, a set of agricultural practices and a social movement (Wezel et al., 2009). It is presented as an agriculture able to support food systems that target the promotion of ecosystem services, regenerative use of natural resources, as well as economic diversification and social equity (HLPE, 2019). It is also qualified as a relevant adaptation in a context of worsening climate uncertainties (Ameur et al., 2020). Finally, it is perceived as a systemic transformation of the current conventional food system
3 (Duru et al., 2015).
As a result, agroecology represents a paradigm shift for the entire agricultural and food chain, from producers and their suppliers to consumers. It involves changes in values and behaviors within societies and involves the development of new interactions (Hubert and Couvet, 2021). These are environmental and ecological interactions between producers and their land and, more broadly, with the ecosystems that surround them. It is also human and social interactions between producers, researchers and more broadly agricultural expertise, as well as between producers and consumers, which makes it possible to design sustainable alternative food systems "from farm to fork" (Gliessman, 2016). Thus, agroecology is a multidimensional process summarized in the expression "agroecological transition".
This fundamental change is presented as a necessary process to guarantee food security: it is expressed at different scales and is based on ecological and social principles (or elements) (FAO, 2018; HLPE, 2019): ecological principles through the enhancement of natural production methods that promote inclusive and circular systems, by limiting chemical inputs and negative externalities (Nicholls et al., 2016); and social principles through the valorisation of local knowledge and contextualized knowledge and the promotion of participatory modes of governance in food systems. (Gliessman, 2020). According to (Malassis L., 1994) "A food system is the way in which humans organize themselves in space and time to obtain and consume their food". This definition includes the consumer, of course, but also all actors in the food chain, not from farm to fork, but rather from plant or animal seed to molecules from waste treatment units.
This reflection is reflected in the integration of the agricultural, environmental, socioeconomic, cultural and political dimensions (Migliorini and Wezel, 2017).
These principles and elements listed by HLPE and FAO are summarized in
Table 1. They make it possible to characterize the realities and potentials of agroecological transitions. The proposed categories do not directly address the political dimension of agroecology, except through the notion of responsible governance, and insist on the social and cultural dimensions of agroecology.
Social principles (equity, social responsibility) appear to be the most numerous (6 principles) along with those of resilience (building resilience, 5 principles). 2 principles characterize the direct improvement of efficiency in the use of resources (recycling and reduction of inputs).
In reality, all of these principles integrate ecological and social dimensions: for example, the governance of land and natural resources has a direct impact on the ways in which resources are used, on their availability and ultimately on their quality; The principle of recycling has an ecological dimension (improving the use of resources by using collected rainwater, using crop or soil cover plant residues and certain non-conventional water previously analysed or purified) but also a social dimension (recycling of equipment within the farm, commercial recovery of by-products, remobilisation of know-how).
These principles all apply at the farm level, with the exception of two of them: soil health applies at plot level, and participation is mainly mobilized at the level of food value chains. Eight (8) principles ultimately apply at the level of food systems: participation, governance of land and natural resources, justice, social values and diets, co-creation, diversity, and reduction of inputs. These 8 principles are also relevant for a territorial analysis of the transition.
The holistic model of transition (Gliessman, 2007) characterises 5 levels of transition, each associated with major types of practices, mainly at the scales of plots, farms, and value chains. The process of transition is not linear: different levels of transition can coexist in space and time. The literature recognizes, for example, that the four main types of sustainable agriculture can fall within one or more of these levels of transition (Gliessman, 1990; Hill and MacRae, 1996; Gliessman and Rosemeyer, 2010; FAO, 2015; Gliessman, 2016). They insist on the passage from one level to another through the use of the term transition, but also on the coexistence of several levels. On the other hand, the question of possible antagonisms or conflicts between different levels or models is not addressed.
At the level of the plot or farm, there are according to (Hill and MacRae, 1996), three levels of consecutive classification of practices that can guarantee an agroecological transition: efficiency, substitution and redesign. These levels are presented below and related to different types of sustainable agriculture, and discussed from a North African perspective.
The first step (or level) entitled "Efficiency" aims to "Improve the efficiency of conventional practices to reduce the use of inputs". In the literature, it is often based on the use of cutting-edge technologies or knowledge: pest monitoring for better use of pesticides, optimal use of fertilizers according to technical itineraries, efficient irrigation or micro-irrigation to reduce water and fertilizer consumption. These practices are part of the so-called “precision agriculture” to deal with the intra- and inter-plot heterogeneity of soil and crops by using new computer or spatial technologies (Jullien and Huet, 2005). In fact, any action that reduces the use of inputs and water without compromising production can be considered an efficiency practice. In North Africa, such practices exist without necessarily being part of precision agriculture: in fact, producers seek to minimize production costs, and therefore to reduce the use of chemical inputs for primarily economic reasons. The spread of drip irrigation on irrigated farms, promoted by public policies in these countries, is also part of the efficiency effort. Efforts to reduce the use of pesticides through the careful management of pests, diseases and crop auxiliaries and the privileged use of a range of natural solutions (pest management or integrated pest management) also fall under this level. These integrated pest management techniques have been promoted by FAO in North Africa, through farmer field school approaches, involving producers around practical field experiences.
The second stage is the substitution of conventional practices that are harmful to the environment (because they pollute or consume resources) and chemical inputs. Conservation agriculture (CA) is a mode of agricultural production that can prevent the loss of arable land while regenerating the physical qualities and organic matter content of degraded land. It provides for the maintenance of permanent soil cover, minimum tillage and the diversification of cultivated plant species. This includes replacing tillage with no-till, rotations, and the permanent maintenance of vegetation cover (Tittonell, 2014). While some CA practices are part of substitution, other farm-level approaches based on diversification show that this type of agriculture can also be part of the third stage, that of redesign.
The third step, redesign, consists of a complete transformation of the agrosystem with fundamental changes in the design of the production system, mainly based on the recognition of ecosystem services. It aims to create integrated systems benefiting from diversification and biodiversity.
CA is often criticized for its use of herbicides to facilitate the management of weeds without tillage. However, recent developments in the CA model suggest replacing herbicides with shallow tillage if the climate is drying, as well as, for areas of cereals and perennial crops, the use of herd grazing. In North Africa, for example, the integration of livestock farming into the CA model shows that the CA farm can be part of a circular management and recycling model, which goes beyond substitution, towards redesign.
The investments required at these first two levels can be significant, particularly in terms of learning and equipment. CA systems may require on-farm investment and testing over several years, and result in temporary yield losses while the system is stabilized e.g. during development and adaptation stages, to identify appropriate equipment and cover crops, construct soil permeability, etc. The stages of transition are thus part of a continuum of practices and associations of practices rather than fixed standalone modalities.
The redesign of agrosystems based on ecological processes goes beyond the farm and requires a broader understanding of the ecological and geographical context.
Integrated agriculture is an example of a production approach that integrates the farm into its natural environment. Resulting from the development of the systemic approach in agronomy (Girardin et al., 2000), it establishes a general framework anchored in biological control (crop auxiliaries, crop associations, etc.) and in work on integrated crop protection for one part; on the other hand, it is based on the notion of integrated production, which designates a coherent set of practices at the service of agriculture and nature (Bonny, 1997): diversification, combination of agriculture and livestock, simplification of tillage, choice of varieties, reduction of chemical inputs, etc. but also the search for yield levels compatible with soil preservation. Integrated agriculture thus promotes product quality and the sustainability of agriculture. Finally, it recognizes the importance of agroecological infrastructures (hedges, low walls, etc.) on a scale that goes beyond the scale of the plot, and depend on the topographical and ecological context of the farm. It values the complementarity of agricultural and natural areas, for example in the case of agropastoralism.
Traditional forms of integrated agriculture are found in the Mediterranean region, particularly in mountain agrosystems and oases. Their characteristics are analysed as adaptations to local constraints, for example to climate variability, landlockedness, or to the seasonality of resources. The systems of tiered crops in the oases, or mountain agropastoralism, promote synergies and complementarities between crops, between agriculture and livestock, or between seasonal resource areas. These systems minimize the use of chemical inputs, often for economic reasons, and favor crop diversity both for food security objectives and soil protection or biological diversity. They have a territorial and collective dimension, in particular through water management, rangeland management or because they organize the transformation of agricultural production through the action of cooperatives. Despite those multiple benefits, this integrated agriculture in North Africa is often presented as a local heritage and more rarely as a model for redesigning existing systems.
(Gliessman and Rosemeyer, 2010) introduced a 4th level of agroecological transition to reconceptualize food systems from farm to fork. The 4th level focuses on the links between producers and consumers and the changes introduced in local value chains, to encourage local producers who are part of the agroecological transition (steps 1, 2 and 3 previously described) and to ensure to consumers the availability and accessibility of healthy and quality products. This reconceptualization objective invites us to cross-reference research works that characterizes the agroecology of farms with others that focus on local value chains, territorial food systems (Rastoin J.-L., 2015) as well as on (local) consumers. At this stage, the reconceptualization goes beyond the framework of the farm, and that of the territory, to encompass agroecological (quality) value chains, including value chains for organic agriculture oriented towards export or national markets. Studying the sustainability of value chains as well as food consumption patterns is necessary to improve the understanding of this level.
According to (Migliorini and Wezel, 2017), organic farming advocates agroecological production practices: substitution practices (by replacing chemical inputs with organic products and biopesticides) and redesign practices by enhancing synergies and fostering recycling (for example, between different plants, crops, crops and animal breeding and etc.). Organic agriculture is certified (IFOAM, 2019), which aims to remunerate environmental services provided by its producers. It is now the leading benchmark for a quality food system with global reach. Its commercial dimension and its development lead to place it on level 4 of the agroecological transition according to Gliessman.
Finally, the 5th and final step of the transition aims to achieve sustainable global food systems based on equity, participation and justice, and that contribute to the conservation and restoration of agrosystems. This involves a change in our value and belief systems. This level is presented as the culmination of the transition and its ideal.
This approach to transition levels ultimately makes it possible to move from the scales of the plot and the farm to those of the territory and value chains. It makes it possible to rethink the main types of sustainable agriculture according to their agroecological characteristics, based on an essentially ecological analysis of their agricultural practices in the natural environment (levels 1 to 3), then, on the analysis of the food systems in which these types of agriculture are inserted (levels 3 to 4). The approach of the levels of agroecological transition developed by Gliessman only reintegrates social issues into the most successful forms of transition, but it does not detail these issues.
The last stage envisages renewed agricultural spaces and sectors on a global scale, as the result of a global transformation, including in its socio-political dimensions. The plot-to-farm scales correspond to levels 1 to 3 (reduction, substitution and redesign), while the land and project scales are more relevant to levels 3 (natural environment) and 4 (local value chains).
Conversely, the FAO and HLPE agroecological approach includes from its first step the entire food system, including agricultural production systems, in their natural, human and economic components. It allows to question at the same time the agro-greening of agricultural and food practices. It integrates knowledge and the value of agricultural employment into the principles of co-creation and justice.
Both approaches are relevant for the analysis of contextual or territorial situations as well as for an analysis of agroecology in sustainable agriculture projects. Our objective here is to understand agroecological realities through the examination of a set of projects. The study therefore proposes to apply these two frameworks to a corpus of pre-identified sustainable agriculture projects in North Africa.
4. Discussion and Limitations
This systematic exploration of agroecological practices implemented through projects in different agrosystems in North Africa shows that there is a great diversity, as well as different levels of transition depending on the project. The territorial dimension, and that of collective value chains, also emerge from this inventory of practices. However, the exploration of these 88 projects provides insight on only a very limited portion of agricultural land in North Africa and ignores major trends such as Saharan agriculture (in Egypt and Algeria), which is not very economical in inputs.
The methodological choice to study agroecology from project perspective is a constraint for the analysis because this survey based only on projects, that are often pilot, concern restricted areas of implementation. It does not inform on the importance nor on the wider dissemination of identified practices. It is then difficult to conclude on the relative importance of these practices in the region.
However, many practices are common to all agrosystems: diversification in particular, but also rotations, integration of agriculture and livestock, and to a lesser extent agroforestry. It is then all the more reasonable to believe that these are the practices that are most common in the region as they are also traditional.
Thanks to the combination of transition model (Gliessman) and the principles of agroecology (HLPE, FAO), we have been able to work both on practices that are broadly related to landscaping and sustainable land management (SLM) and on agroeconomic practices that concern plot and farm scales and irrigation. This interlocking of practices throughout different scales introduces the need for a geographical, territorial and collective joint-interpretation of these practices
5.
The collective and organizational dimension of practices is present in each agrosystem, for example, though the management of seeders in conservation agriculture, water management in valleys and irrigated areas of arid zones, and oases, but also, in some cases, with processing, certification and marketing.
Water has a central dimension: as a scarce resource, it is systematically the subject of resource-saving practices in projects on irrigated systems. It is also present in rainwater and mixed system projects, where the challenge is to maintain the soil (against erosion) and its moisture (through biodiversity), or even to retain water (collection systems). The diversity of projects and agrosystems does not allow for a clearer typology of water-related issues and practices in agroecology.
Irrigation systems remain diversified, in particular because of the geographical particularities of the agrosystems, even if the use of drip irrigation is mentioned quite systematically. Collective land developments at the farm level and more broadly at the territorial level are present, particularly in oases, mountains and irrigated valleys with water and soil conservation actions, such as the construction of bunds, terraces or the levelling of cropland. At the family and farm level, the vegetation of the edges of plots is mainly mentioned for oasis projects, peri-urban projects and in irrigated valleys (hedges, windbreaks or crops on the edge of plots intended to promote auxiliaries, or edibles).
The analysis entry by practices and levels of transition (Gliessman) emphasizes above all agronomic dimensions, and finally apart from participation, which is a principle and an omnipresent mode of action of the projects studied, few social principles of agroecology (HLPE) are present: social and food values and connectivity are nevertheless noted in level 4 projects, as well as the co-creation of innovations and knowledge, particularly in demonstration projects such as farmer field schools. The case of mountain and oasis systems, which best meet these principles, shows that the economic valorisation of these inherited integrated practices, via certification, is possible and requires a collective recognition of these practices as local heritage. Peri-urban agrosystems projects that combine agroecology and agrotourism are also close to the idea of a natural and cultural heritage to be valued as a green belt around cities. This development of recreational agrotourism on the outskirts of certain cities invites politicians to take agricultural heritage into account in urban land development.
In our sample, the practices inventoried are both inherited or improved practices and practices introduced or disseminated by the projects. The fact that many of these practices are rooted in local history leads, based on the model of the levels of transition, to the conclusion that an agroecology redesigning conventional agriculture is based on the local agricultural heritage, involving the cultural dimensions of the principles and elements of agroecology (HLPE, FAO).
Collective recognition of agroecology, whether political or social, remains in an embryonic state. In agricultural circles and among the majority of farmers, the use of chemical inputs is socially valued compared to the use of alternative practices. However, the systematic minimization of production costs in the majority of cases leads de facto to moderate use, due to a lack of resources, thus responding to the principle of efficiency, by default. Consumers are poorly informed about the benefits of agroecological products, political administrations are unfamiliar with this notion, and national research and education institutes lack incentives to explore agroecological models that are adapted or adaptable locally.
The participation of women in the projects is not visible at the scale of our sample. Many projects have an inclusive approach, but few projects, apart from some located in oasis and mountain agrosystems, target female beneficiaries. Similarly, the pluriactive dimension of agroecological farms is never mentioned in the projects (principle of diversification).
In the sample studied, it is civil society actors who appear to be the most advanced in their knowledge of the agroecological transition, as they are often the driving force behind the level 4 (reconceptualization) projects in the sample.
When applied to the North African region, the transition model questions the issue of food security at the redesign stage (level 3), but invites also to review this point in the reconceptualization stage (level 4) especially when taking into account the importance of self-consumption in the majority of agricultural households. This dimension of self-consumption responds to several principles of the HLPE: synergy, diversification, biodiversity, social and food values. It also invites to mobilize the notions of autonomy and health (nutrition, human well-being). Finally, it highlights an importance of agroecology in North Africa to face the fast-rising challenges of food security in terms of nutritional balance in the region, with diseases associated to dietary imbalance becoming a major public health concern.
The reconceptualization stage (level 4) questions the territorial or even national dimension of exchanges through agroecological value chains and their contribution to food sovereignty objectives. This is a crucial issue for countries that import nearly half or more of their cereal needs.
Finally, reviewing the social issues addressed in the two analytical grids, labour, a major factor, appears to be missing. The issue of employment and work in agroecology is never mentioned in the projects. It does not appear directly in the agroecological transition model. From the point of view of principles, this point refers mainly to justice, a principle that is largely absent from the data available on the projects studied. It also refers to the principle of co-creation. Agroecology is skills-intensive, it also requires, at least, in some cases a stronger manpower, and a way of organizing work different from conventional systems. In the studied region, literature and mobilisation dedicated to agroecology does not, for the moment, shed light on this labour dimension, which is only addressed in projects at the scales of territories and value chains (development, governance).