1. Problem Statement and Research Issue
Report after report point to the dramatic increase in global temperature. Not surprisingly, these reports also find that emissions achieve ever new record levels [
1]. These findings have been published in parallel to the 28th UN Climate Change Conference in the United Arab Emirates in November/December 2023 where negotiators again discussed global climate policy [
2]. The backbone of global climate policy is arguably the United Nations Paris Agreement of 2015 which requires its signatories to limit temperature increase to well below 2-degrees Celsius, aiming for 1.5 degrees Celsius (Article 2 para. 1 (a) PA). Yet, the remaining carbon budget to stay within these limits is very small (and subject to large uncertainties) [
3,
4]. The Paris Agreement thus requires net-zero emissions by phasing-out fossil fuels and reducing livestock farming significantly on a global scale by 2035 at the latest [
5,
6,
7]. A societal transformation is required and effective policy instruments needed to induce this transformation. Even though substantial progress has been achieved in the EU, the pace of emission reductions must accelerate even further to remain on track towards its current 2030 and 2050 climate objectives [
8]. Against this background, the EU has significantly strengthened its climate policies [
8].
The cornerstone of the EU climate policy is the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS 1) which was adopted in 2003 [
9] and has since then been revised multiple times. Besides that, as part of the EU Green Deal [
10], the Commission presented a set of legislative proposals to transform the society and address environmental degradation and climate change. The proposals to combat climate change have been summarised as “Fit for 55” legislation. “Fit for 55” includes, among others, a reform of the ETS 1, the adoption of a second ETS (ETS 2) and a Social Climate Fund (SCF) as well as the introduction of a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) [
11].
The aim of this article and its research question is to assess how effective the reformed ETS 1 and ETS 2, the SCF and the CBAM are to stay within the 1.5-degree limit of the Paris Agreement. The assessment focusses on the adopted regulations as compared to the original legal proposals. Besides that, loopholes in the previous and revised ETS will be examined as the lack of ambition of the cap. Furthermore, legislation to promote green hydrogen is assessed. Results show that the reforms fail to comply with the goals of the Paris Agreement. Subsequently, this article examines the role of hydrogen in the context of energy transition.
4. Discussion and Conclusion: Optimising Governance Options
The analysis found that the EU does not take sufficient measures to comply with the 1.5-degree limit from Article 2 PA. The analysis focused on the main instrument to post-fossilisation, the EU ETS, and supplementary instruments to promote a new green technology, i.e., hydrogen. The current EU emissions trading (1) has an insufficient cap, measured against the environmental goals, (2) contains distorting factors such as large quantities of old certificates from an oversupply of certificates in the early years of the ETS in the market, (3) does not cover livestock farming and (4) is only slowly creating sufficient protection against shifting effects outside the EU. Against this background, optimising governance options – measured against the 1.5-degree limit – are discussed below. The aim is to show that emissions trading is the most effective governance instrument – but certain elements need to be taken into account and improvements adopted.
Climate governance instruments must do justice to the human motivations and several governance problems such as shifting effects and lacking target stringency (see above), measured against environmental goals (on the following: [
99], 7, 5, 79]). The threat of shifting effects, basic human motives and the transnational character of climate change suggest that purely national approaches to climate change are insufficient, especially since shifting effects can be accompanied by competitive disadvantages and thus declining de facto acceptance for ambitious environmental protection. If a limited group of states still improves its environmental protection provisions, these provisions have to be combined with border adjustments. World trade law allows the adoption of border adjustments under certain conditions. Ultimately, the combination of these measures avoids shifting effects. Thus, by extending ETS 1 and introducing ETS 2 in combination with the CBAM, the EU takes an effective step point in the right direction.
Climate, biodiversity and other environmental goals such as closed resource cycles and cleaner environmental media demand two core strategies: a complete phase-out of fossil fuels in all sectors and replacement by renewable energies, more energy efficiency and frugality – alongside a drastic reduction in livestock farming [7, [
100], 4]. While a technology change is underway, a climate law of frugality remains a vision. Overall, the various regulations of energy, agricultural and environmental law are aimed at maintaining lifestyles and economies by technically optimising them, i.e., increasing technical efficiency and consistency.
Above we argued that, measured against the goals of the PA and CBD, past EU climate law has not been successful. EU climate governance thus must be optimised. To this end, either regulatory law or quantity instruments can be implemented. Regulatory law governs individual products, activities or installations. The outcome is thus frequently hampered by rebound and shifting effects, and enforcement problems. In some cases, even opposing effects may be caused. A more effective approach instead appears to be quantity governance instruments such as an ETS. Cap-and-trade systems offer particular advantages to achieve environmental goals such as the 1.5-degree limit of the PA:
Cap-and-trade approaches can comprehensively address the motivational situation of norm addressees as described elsewhere [
101], 5]. They not only target monetary self-interest, but also, for example, conceptions of normality and emotional factors such as denial. Besides, if quantity control approaches set ambitious caps, address easily graspable governance units (such as fossil fuels or animal products at the level of slaughterhouses and dairies [7, [
102]) on a sectorally and geographically broad scale (i.e., at the EU level plus climate clubs with other countries plus border adjustments), they can avoid governance problems such as problems of enforcement, rebound, shifting and depicting. The orientation towards absolute quantities prevents rebound effects; the less small-scale perspective prevents enforcement problems; the factually and spatially broad approach prevents shifting effects; the use of easily comprehensible governance units prevents issues of depicting with which, for example, a building regulatory law may struggle. Compared to the current ETS 1 and ETS 2, however, this requires a more ambitious cap, the closing of loopholes and the extension to livestock farming. Furthermore, quantity control encourages more consistency, resource efficiency and frugality. For if the cap is not achievable by purely technical solutions, the norm addressees inevitably switch to frugality measures. This shift will take place without public authorities having to establish comprehensive control knowledge and a more or less comprehensive monitoring apparatus for a large number of individual actions, as in the case of regulatory law.
Quantity control is also particularly compatible with basic principles of liberal democracies because it leaves the greatest possible degrees of freedom while effectively defending the physical preconditions of freedom. Furthermore, quantity control can be combined well with – national or transnational – social redistributive measures (as compensation for distributional effects of climate change on the one hand and climate law on the other; see in detail [
55]). This is because the fixed cap prevents redistribution which undermines the ecological effects, as is the case with environmental levies with revenue redistribution. Hence, the SCF points precisely in the right direction.
The best-known advantage of cap-and-trade systems (without direct ecological relevance) is that these approaches promise to achieve an environmental goal particularly efficiently in the sense of “at particularly low cost”. In contrast, subsidies, which in some aspects have a similar effect as quantity control, generate much higher costs [
79].
If central drivers of diverse environmental problems (climate change, loss of biodiversity, disturbed nutrient cycles, environmental media pollution) such as fossil fuels and animal products are chosen as the governance unit of cap and trade, an integrated solution to most environmental problems can be found, namely in a combination of various strategies including frugality. Still, such a comprehensive approach would require supplementary subsidy and regulatory law. Subsidies, for example, can promote research and development and bring new – not yet cost-efficient – products on to the market. Regulatory law can prohibit certain actions, provided that the control variables are easy to enforce and depict – for example, banning peatland drainage [
103,
104]. However, the approach presented probably as an overall approach to solving modern environmental problems (which are quantity problems) cannot be replaced by those other instruments that cannot address governance and motivational problems in a comparable way (e.g., cannot protect themselves comparably against rebound and shifting effects), are less liberal, are less cost-efficient, can be combined less well with social compensation, etc. In general, however, a distinction must be made between the best possible design of an instrument and the real (deliberately or inadvertently ecologically ineffective) design of an instrument.
As the above analysis has shown, hydrogen has the potential to support achieving the goals of the PA as a very versatile tool, especially as an energy carrier. For this reason, the interest in the use of hydrogen has experienced several boosts in the past and again today. Though, the above analysis has also shown, that hydrogen cannot generally be regarded as the “golden solution”, as hydrogen can only be viewed as beneficial, when its production is based on sustainable processes. Against this background, the benefits of hydrogen on the pathway to climate neutrality can only be viewed with modesty: On the one hand “grey hydrogen”, which is mainly used today and is predominantly based on fossil fuels, cannot provide any benefits on the pathway to climate neutrality. On the other hand, especially “green hydrogen” and in some cases “blue hydrogen” can be viewed as beneficial on this pathway. Then again, it is most likely that “green hydrogen” and “blue hydrogen” will only play a minor part in the foreseeable future, as of today, its overall market share is still marginal and its overall cost structure is rather expensive. Also, not only the production of hydrogen, but also the infrastructure for storage and transportation demands a lot of energy [
77]. So, along the chain, there are numerous potential gateways for the use of fossil-based energy and therefore there is a risk of undermining the benefits of “green hydrogen” and “blue hydrogen” along the way. Moreover, the storage and transportation of hydrogen is comparably complex and therefore causes high costs. For these reasons, “green hydrogen” and “blue hydrogen” now and may also in the foreseeable future will only play a role in special use cases in which other green energy sources are not at hand [
77].
To develop its undeniable potential on the pathway to a post-fossil world, the improvement of already existing technologies such as CCU in the context of “blue hydrogen” as well as the invention of new technologies for production, transport and storage will be necessary. This again will broaden the use cases for “green hydrogen” and “blue hydrogen” and therefore lead industry further away from fossil fuels. The expansion of its use will help mitigating emissions. In this sense low-carbon hydrogen can be viewed as a “low-carbon-energy-bridge” between fossil fuels on the one side and climate neutral sources on the other side. Against this background the action that has recently been taken and that has been analyzed above, such as the “Hydrogen Strategy for A Climate Neutral Europe”, the more concrete RED II and its Delegated Acts and the REPowerEU are welcomed. They depict meaningful steps in recognizing the potential of and supporting the use of hydrogen. Also, they already address some of the upcoming questions and issues such as the “additionality” criterion in Article 5 DA I addresses the risk of a “lock-in” in the fossil power supply (see above). Nonetheless, the development of the use of hydrogen is an ongoing process, which has only been started. Further action needs to be taken.
First of all, the cost structure is not yet competitive [
77]. To stimulate the crossing over the bridge, one key element will be the reduction of costs of the production of “green hydrogen” and “blue hydrogen”. Therefore, one reasonable and effective means will be subsidies because bringing new technologies to the market is the classic use case for subsidies as shown earlier in this chapter [79, 81].
Secondly, as already mentioned above, the use of hydrogen cannot generally be regarded as merely ecologically beneficial. Just as the use of fossil-based energy sources has impacts on the environment, the production of hydrogen has, depending on the method of production, varying impacts on the environment – such as its production consumes vast amounts of fresh water. Therefore, environmental impacts that may occur in the production process of hydrogen, always need to be taken into account. Since this article is not intended to focus on an evaluation of the environmental impacts of hydrogen production, it can only be noted that the results of studies focused on the environmental impact show very different results, as illustrated elsewhere [
105].
Moreover, the support of the use of hydrogen must be seen in a global perspective, because the production and use of hydrogen is not limited to national scope but enforces an international trade [
77]. Naturally, there is a risk at hand that sustainability standards in the production, transportation and storage, differ between nations and therefore the benefits of “green hydrogen” and “blue hydrogen” may be undermined (and because of the serious challenges of CCS discussed elsewhere [
106], blue hydrogen cannot be considered an ecological option in the full sense from the outset). This may not even be due to bad faith of some actors but more so because the categories of hydrogen and the requirements of categorization as “grey”, “green”, “blue” (and even more categories) are not (yet) legally regulated. As long as there is no legal clarity about the sustainability standards on the international level, there is no practical security in the matter of which hydrogen can be regarded as environmentally beneficial. Against this background clear international legislation is vital to create equal standards [
78]. Also in the international perspective, there is a risk, that some countries may produce low carbon hydrogen for export and nationally still rely on fossil fuels. Therefore, there is a need for a clear international legislation that will face such a scenario [
77].
All in all, we have seen that the EU must further intensify its efforts on its territory and cooperate with other countries since the reformed ETS 1 and ETS 2, the SCF and the CBAM – as well as hydrogen policies – are not sufficiently effective to stay within the 1.5-degree limit of the Paris Agreement. The primary focus of energy law on the ETS is therefore fundamentally convincing; however, it should be implemented more consistently, for example in terms of the breadth of the approach, closing loopholes and the level of ambition.